Caricom has Failed in having the Cuban Embargo Lifted

The ultimate goal of the embargo against Cuba was to cripple the Cuban economy and force President Fidel Castro’s hand in changing his style of governing, all efforts have failed in this respect

"THE CUBAN EMBARGO SHOULD BE STOPPED!"

By: Dr. Kevin Turnquest-Alcena

After 50 years as an organization, the Caricom has been ineffective at having the Cuban embargo lifted. It’s a travesty that America is still trying to weaponize Cuba in this modern day and time.

To my inquiring readers, what is an embargo one may ask? Well, according to Wikipedia it is, “the partial or complete prohibition of commerce and trade with a particular country or state or group of countries.”

Four countries the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) have implemented U.S. sanctions against are: Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Syria. The continuous and age old assault on Cuba is tantamount to immoral conduct.

They are willing to work with countries such as: Vietnam, whom they were at war with and China because of some benefit to them, then why not Cuba? We have to collectively find a way for America to understand that Cuba needs to be a part of and coexist with the global community. It is time America realizes Cuba’s political system, as well as the structure of how Cuba achieves its revolution is not going to disappear.

Robert Zubrin stated that, “The U.S. trade embargo on Cuba is almost completely ineffective, as many other countries, including the European Union, do not honor it.” The Biden Administration must consider the realities of the Cuban people. Yes, the there are some deep geo-politics in regards to individuals who do not like what is going on in Cuba, but it does not negate the fact that this issue needs to be readdressed.

Former President Barak Obama understood the need for open dialogue about the embargo as was stated in his address to the Cuban people during his visit to Havana. He said that, “...on December 17th 2014, President Castro and I announced that the United States and Cuba would begin a process to normalize relations between our countries. Since then, we have established diplomatic relations and opened embassies. We've begun initiatives to cooperate on health and agriculture, education and law enforcement. We've reached agreements to restore direct flights and mail service. We've expanded commercial ties, and increased the capacity of Americans to travel and do business in Cuba.”

In February 1962, President John F. Kennedy proclaimed an embargo on trade between the United States and Cuba, in response to certain actions taken by the Cuban Government, and directed the Departments of Commerce and the Treasury to implement the embargo. The Cuban embargo solely exists because they stand in solidarity, choosing to operate their political system the way they want.

This continued condemnation by America is unjust and inhumane, especially for a country that promotes freedom of speech. This embargo has majorly impacted the Cuban economy and has resulted in a $144 billion loss in the trading economy. While the ultimate goal of the embargo was to cripple the economy and force President Fidel Castro’s hand in changing his style of governing, all efforts have failed in this respect.

The embargo limits the people of Cuba from accessing the internet to support their small businesses, take online U.S. courses, and use financial services like PayPal, yet Cuba has continued to exist and survive without the support of the American government.

America claims that the embargo is for the betterment of the Cuban people, yet it does more harm to the people than good. Its licensing requirements prevent food, medicine, medical equipment and humanitarian aid assistance from reaching Cubans.

Nonetheless, these restrictions have only encouraged the Cuban people to be innovative in their approach to taking care of the citizens of their country. Cuba managed to develop its own COVID-19 vaccine. Their development included the research, production, and rollout of the vaccine, which resulted in a 90% vaccination rate.

Cuba has educated Africa and The Caribbean in medicine and engineering, just to name a few. They now have over 2,000 institutes as result of the 1959 revolution. Cuba has developed one of the best healthcare systems in the world. This was achieved by instituting 23 medical schools and educating those students for free. This has resulted in one of the highest doctor to patient ratios in the world, 8 for every 1,000 citizen. Gender equality is also held in high regard with women having just has much opportunities for education as men.

Cuba ranks second in the world in terms of most female representation in the country’s main governing body with a Congress that is 53 percent female. Education is the under lying cause of such achievements with Cuba having a 96% literacy rate.

So, the real question is, has the embargo really attained its goal of suppressing the Cuban country? Has it really achieved its aim of stopping trade with other countries? The resounding answer is No!

Daniel 2:21 says, “And he changeth the times and the seasons: he removeth kings, and setteth up kings: he giveth wisdom unto the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding:” Hence, this then begs the question as to what is America’s present goal for reinforcing the embargo.

What purpose does it really serve for continuing their separation from Cuba? Would it not be more beneficial and useful if they worked with Cuba, rather than against them?

The reality is after 64 years of oppressing Cuba through the embargo, it has still not altered their political systems and way of life. As Allison Pujol writer for The Michigan Daily said, “Cuba’s heads of states recognized fairly quickly that the United States was not essential to the island’s economic future.

And thus, like the embargo, Cuba’s one-party system has remained intact with little to no visible change.” I end with the words of the man at the center of it all: “Capitalism has no moral and ethical values: everything is for sale... it is impossible to educate people in such an environment: people become selfish, and sometimes turn into bandits” (Fidel Castro).

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The Crux of The Bahamas National Trade Policy

The Bahamas Ministry of Economic Affairs Launches First-Ever National Trade Policy

The New Bahamas Trade Policy is intended to lower trade deficit and empower local Bahamian businesses

After years of stakeholder consultation and collaboration with local and international experts, the Government of The Bahamas has launched the National Trade Policy, an initiative that has been spearheaded by the Ministry of Economic Affairs.

The National Trade Policy was formally unveiled at a press conference hosted by the Ministry of Economic Affairs on Thursday, 25th of May, 2023.  At this press conference, members of the media were afforded the opportunity to hear from the Minister of Economic Affairs, Senator, the Hon. Michael Halkitis, Bahamas Trade Commission Chairman, Philip Galanis, and other technical experts who highlighted the work that went into crafting the policy, as well as the impact it is projected to have.

Minister Halkitis stated that the primary objective of the national trade policy is to tap into the unexplored areas for the international trade of goods and services where there is vast potential for Bahamian businesses to benefit.

He noted that this policy will supplement the economic development and diversification initiatives that the Davis administration has taken on since taking office.

“The National Trade Policy is a key component of a wider developmental strategy to diversify the economy, empower Bahamian businesses domestically and internationally, and lower the trade deficit.  Key areas that are being targeted by the government, such as niche agricultural and fisheries products, uniquely Bahamian crafts, food, and goods, and green, blue, and orange economy products and services will all benefit from this policy.”

Acknowledging the calls by local businesses for greater ease in conducting international business and exporting goods and services abroad, Minister Halkitis said that the National Trade Policy will help to facilitate the import and export of in-demand goods and services, ushering in a new era for trade in The Bahamas.

“We know that many businesses have called for the government to reform existing processes to make exporting their products more seamless.  Through this policy, we believe that we have put the right mechanisms in place.  We will expand awareness through stakeholder education to arm local businesses with everything they need to expand their customer base beyond the borders of The Bahamas.”

As the policy moves from the development phase to the implementation phase, Minister Halkitis noted that the government will continue to keep its ears open to local businesses and its eyes open for international opportunities.

“The policy we have before us today is the product of continuous stakeholder engagement.  We have incorporated much of that engagement to ensure that the policy before us today is as strong and comprehensive as possible.  As we implement the policy, the key is to remain agile and open to ways we can continue to strengthen the policy in response to local needs.”

Minister Halkitis encouraged all local businesses and aspiring entrepreneurs who are interested in engaging in international trade to stay tuned as the government continues to engage with the local business community to empower businesses of all sizes to take advantage of the new national trade policy framework.

“Ultimately, the true measure of the effectiveness of this policy lies in its ability to empower Bahamian businesses, lower the trade deficit, and contribute to the creation of a more resilient and diverse economy. We encourage all businesses to get informed and get involved.”

Any business owners who wish to learn more about the National Trade Policy can download a full copy of the policy document at https://moea.gov.bs/the-bahamas-national-trade-policy.

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Closing the gaps that affect LGBTQ+ individuals in Latin America and the Caribbean

Barriers and social exclusion affecting LGBTQ+ individuals in Latin America and the Caribbean

 

An institution that promotes inclusion must ensure that there is a commitment to preventing and eliminating any manifestation of discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals at the core of its organizational culture

Three Actions to Support LGBTQ+ Inclusion from an International Organization

By María Caridad Araujo

How recent is the addition of LGBTQ+ issues in inclusion policy agendas?

Let’s put it into perspective.  No longer than 50 years ago, the American Psychiatric Association classified homosexuality as a mental disorder.  Some countries in Latin America and the Caribbean decriminalized same-sex relationships in the 19th century, while others did so less than 20 years ago.  Homosexuality is still a crime in six countries in the region.  Thirteen years ago, Argentina became the first country in the region to legalize same-sex marriage.  Five countries followed, with Costa Rica being the most recent in 2020.  In 2004, the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia (IDAHOTB) was established as a commemoration every May 17th.

Therefore, it’s no surprise this is a relatively new topic on the agendas of international organizations such as development banks.  The inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals, therefore, requires intentional efforts to invest in the issue and generate data and evidence on effective interventions.  We are in a constant process of construction.  At the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), we have taken firm steps in this direction.  Here, I want to share three lines of action and learning that have emerged as part of this journey.

1.LGBTQ+ inclusion starts from within

An institution that promotes inclusion must ensure that there is a commitment to preventing and eliminating any manifestation of discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals at the core of its organizational culture.  This begins with our selection and recruitment processes.  It also involves creating diverse and inclusive work environments.  Finally, it translates into actions to ensure that the projects and knowledge products we support in the region include actions that contribute to closing the gaps that affect LGBTQ+ individuals.  In this sense, the IDB has strong inclusion policies and constantly works to be a space where its employees can bring their most authentic selves.

2. Intersectionality and intersectionality

The actions we take must consider that LGBTQ+ discrimination is reflected in multiple spheres and in an intersectional way.  This means that aspects such as sexual orientation, gender identity, race or ethnicity, and economic or migratory status overlap and intersect in various ways.  For this reason, more work is required to understand the origin and impact of stigma and social exclusion.

Workplace inclusion programs like “Saber hacer vale” (Knowing How is Valuable) in Colombia, which includes LGBTQ+ individuals and focuses particularly on migrants, are an example of an intersectional approach.  Another case is the loan to the ProMujeres program in Uruguay, which seeks to strengthen gender-based violence prevention and response systems with a strong focus on lesbian, bisexual, and transgender women.  I also would like to highlight “Reprograma,” a digital skills education initiative in Brazil supported by BID Lab, which promotes the inclusion of transgender women in the technology sector.

Fighting LGBTQ+ discrimination is also important in the private sector.  That’s why BID Invest is preparing a toolbox for companies that want to strengthen their inclusion policies.  BID Invest also raises awareness about business opportunities and new markets when integrating the LGBTQ+ population as a workforce and potential customers.

3. Data for inclusion

The third point is to enhance the creation of knowledge about the LGBTQ+ population.  In Latin America and the Caribbean, data is scarce.  We know that we are underestimating the size of the LGBTQ+ population, but we don’t have the exact number of individuals belonging to it.  We have even less evidence of the gaps that affect them.

The flagship book published annually by the IDB, “Development in the Americas”. will focus on gender policies in 2023.  An innovative approach in this publication will be the inclusion of knowledge about LGBTQ+ individuals, providing a broader and deeper understanding of the gaps related to sexual orientation and gender identity.

Additionally, last year, the IDB funded and published three new studies on the LGBTQ+ population.  These publications were presented in a session on LGBTQ+ inclusion at the 27th Annual Meeting of the Latin American and Caribbean Economics Association (LACEA).  In a live event on May 18th, the authors of the publications will share their findings on barriers and social exclusion affecting LGBTQ+ individuals in our region.

Inclusion is a journey to be traveled together

The International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia is an occasion to highlight the heterogeneous progress in the inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals and to think of new strategies that lead to the end of stigma and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.  On a day like today, it is important to make visible the multiple forms of exclusion that persist and, in some cases, have deepened.  Therefore, the commitment of international organizations to strengthen an agenda that prioritizes accelerating the social and economic inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals is urgent.

Once again, multilateral development banks have joined efforts to organize a series of activities, events, and publications that are part of the IDAHOTB 2023 campaign, aiming to reaffirm their commitment to work against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identities.  This year’s theme, “Always Together: United in Diversity,” encapsulates this collective effort.  For multilateral banks and other international organizations, the well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals is not just a one-day topic but an essential line of work in the development agenda.

In this link, you can find information about other events commemorating this date, as well as messages from executives of other organizations joining under this initiative.

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Stop deporting Haitians to Haiti - says UN

The UN independent human rights experts requested States parties in the Americas to investigate all allegations of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, and racial profiling against Haitians

The experts also called for measures to prevent and combat xenophobic and racist violence and incitement to racial hatred against people of Haitian origin, and to publicly condemn racist hate speech, including those uttered by public figures and politicians

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) sounded the alarm after 36,000 people of Haitian origin were deported during the first three months of the year, according to figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM).  Some 90 per cent were deported from the Dominican Republic.

Violations and abuses against Haitians

The experts expressed concern over collective expulsions which did not take into consideration individual circumstances and needs.

They also highlighted alleged human rights violations and abuses against Haitians on the move along migration routes, at borders and in detention centres in the Americas region, “as a result of strict migration control, the militarization of borders, systematic immigration detention policies and the obstacles to international protection” in some countries.

Such obstacles exposed these vulnerable migrants to “killings, disappearances, acts of sexual and gender-based violence, and trafficking by criminal networks”, the Committee warned.

Demanding protection for Haitian refugees

Caribbean countries, such as the Bahamas as well as the Turks and Caicos Islands, have announced measures against undocumented Haitian migrants.  The United States in January also made public new border policies to permit fast-tracked expulsions to Mexico of Haitian migrants and others, crossing the southern border of the US without documentation.

Considering the desperate situation in Haiti, which does not currently allow for the safe and dignified return of Haitians to the country, as pointed out by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Committee called for an end to the collective expulsions of Haitians on the move.

It also said assessments of each individual case needed to be carried out, to identify protection needs in accordance with international refugee and human rights law, with particular attention to the most vulnerable groups.

Combatting racism and xenophobia

The independent human rights experts requested States parties in the Americas to investigate all allegations of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, and racial profiling against Haitians.

They also demanded protection of refugees against other allegations of human rights violations and abuses committed by both State and non-state actors; including at borders, migrant detention centres and along migration routes, to punish those responsible and to provide rehabilitation and reparations to victims or their families.

The experts also called for measures to prevent and combat xenophobic and racist violence and incitement to racial hatred against people of Haitian origin, and to publicly condemn racist hate speech, including those uttered by public figures and politicians.

Independent human rights experts are appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, in Geneva.  They are mandated to monitor and report on specific thematic issues or country situations.  They are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work.

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Does the accusation of the 2016 payment to adult film actress Stormy Daniels by Donald Trump seek to shut down the former US president or catapult him directly to elections 2024?

Donald Trump, farther or closer to the White House?

By Raúl Antonio Capote

 

The New York court grand jury investigating the case of the 2016 payment to adult film actress Stormy Daniels by Donald Trump recently voted to indict him on criminal charges.

The indictment makes the former president the first former president to face criminal charges in U.S. history.

Michael D. Cohen, Trump's lawyer and troubleshooter who pleaded guilty to federal campaign finance violations in August 2018, admitted that he helped arrange the payment to Daniels, in addition to another payment to a former Playboy model, to help Trump's presidential bid, on Trump's orders.

The payment made to Daniels sought the actress' silence ahead of the 2016 presidential election.

Faced with the Court's accusation, Trump's response was immediate: "Political Persecution and Election Interference at the highest level in history," he said in a statement, according to La Opinión.

Adored by extreme right-wing groups and followers of the most irrational conspiracy theories, Trump began his run for the Republican Party's candidacy for the presidency with low scores in the polls.

Some analysts even predicted his defeat against other opponents; however, in the face of the possible indictment by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, the tycoon has climbed in the polls.  According to the Fox News poll, Donald Trump has doubled his lead over Ron DeSantis by 30 percentage points.

In view of the situation created, questions arise in many people.  Does the accusation seek to shut down the former president or catapult him directly to the elections?  Is it a matter of enforcing justice in the United States, for the first time, in the case of a former president?

It happens that when we take a look at the process we find several interesting elements.  It is true that when Trump was campaigning for the presidency, his team negotiated a confidentiality agreement with Daniels, in exchange for $130,000.  However, the payment to the actress was made by Michael Cohen, and he has testified that he obtained the money from his home equity line of credit and that the amount was later reimbursed to him, which can be well exploited by his lawyers.

Another element that may work in favor of the defendant is the lack of precedent.

For more than two centuries, presidents - even those who have been affected by scandals - while in office have had immunity from prosecution, even enjoying that privilege when they leave office.

In U.S. elections, marked by setbacks and low blows to opponents, many things can happen.  In addition, the 45th president of the United States is under indictment for possible crimes of insurrection, withholding classified documents and obstruction of justice in a national security case.

In the face of all that, being indicted for paying for the silence of a porn star doesn't seem so bad.

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Reflection on the challenges that people with diverse gender identities face in accessing housing and inclusive environments in Latin America and the Caribbean

Discrimination and violence explain why trans individuals do not easily find a home to settle in

 ...the difficulty for trans individuals to access decent, safe, and affordable housing impacts their living conditions, health, and economic opportunities.  It also affects their ability to plan their futures, their families’ futures, and prepare for old age

A House for Trans People

By  Juanita Ardila Hidalgo - Andrea Monje

Trans People and Access to Housing

What does your home mean to you?  For some, it is a place to grow, learn, and find a supportive environment with family members.  A home is also the infrastructure that protects from weather, rain, and external dangers.  Unfortunately, for trans people, the concept of home is often linked to discrimination and exclusion so painful that it leads them to leave when they are still very young.  In fact, one of the most important studies about trans people in the United States found that 30% of those surveyed reported having been homeless at least once in their lives.  On Trans Visibility Day, we want to reflect on the challenges that people with diverse gender identities face in accessing housing and inclusive environments in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Family: A First Contact With Violence?

The first place where children with diverse gender identities should receive protection and freedom to express themselves is in their own homes.  However, it is precisely where many of the first forms of violence and discrimination manifest.  An example of this rejection is the attempt to modify diverse gender expressions from an early age: a study of 3,246 LGBTQ+ students in Colombia found that among those who reported having experiences with “conversion therapies” to change their sexual orientation and gender identity, 78.6% attended by an obligation of their parents or caregivers.  Cases of violence like this cause many young people with diverse gender identities to face homelessness, dropping out of school, or poverty from an early age, hindering their development and well-being.

Trans Adulthood

Discrimination and violence explain why trans individuals do not easily find a home to settle in.  Although cities can offer better living conditions and greater job opportunities, within them, there are few neighborhoods where housing is safe, dignified, and affordable.  Some of the challenges they face are:

Limited mobility

A study conducted in Bogotá on the mobility of trans individuals found that a small area of four-by-four blocks in the city center was one of the few places where participants experienced a sense of belonging and ownership.  There, they built a safe zone, found alternatives for income generation, and created a support network to collectively confront street rejection and violence.

Discrimination in rental and credit applications

Barriers to obtaining formal jobs, in addition to social discrimination based on their gender identity or the inability to use the name they recognize as their own, lead many trans individuals to not make formal rental requests.  According to a survey conducted in Argentina in 2013, eight out of ten trans individuals surveyed had not made any requests related to renting a property or obtaining a mortgage loan in their name.  Additionally, three out of ten mentioned being rejected by their neighbors in the place where they live.

Additionally, trans individuals who apply for or request information about rental properties are subject to discrimination by landlords or real estate companies.  A recent study by the Gender and Diversity Knowledge Initiative (GDLAB) of the IDB conducted in Argentina, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru found that in all four countries, information requests for rental properties made by couples with a trans woman received 19% fewer responses, 27% fewer positive responses, and 23% fewer invitations to view the property than when the request was made by cisgender couples, whether they were heterosexual or homosexual.

Additionally, the difficulty for trans individuals to access decent, safe, and affordable housing impacts their living conditions, health, and economic opportunities.  It also affects their ability to plan their futures, their families’ futures, and prepare for old age.

Life-changing Solutions

In this context, there are increasingly more projects aimed at promoting access to housing for trans individuals in Latin America.  These solutions also create safe spaces to build community networks and foster a sense of belonging among individuals with diverse gender identities and sexual orientations.

• The Center for Attention to Sexual and Gender Diversity (CAIDSG, for it’s acronym in Spanish) is a space located in Bogotá that offers psychosocial care, legal advice, support for job placement, and information on care routes for cases of violence, among other services.  This project is led by the Mayor’s Office of Bogotá with support from the IDB.

• Laetus Vitae is one of the first homes for LGBTQ+ seniors founded by trans-activist Samantha Flores in Mexico City with the aim of offering a suitable and dignified place of refuge for LGBTQ+ seniors.

• Programa Transcidadania is a public program implemented in Sao Paulo that aims to promote the social and economic inclusion of trans individuals, which includes monetary aid for education.  Additionally, it offers psychological, legal, and social support to those who participate in the program.

These examples demonstrate that it is possible to contribute to improving the quality of life for trans and non-binary individuals.  However, we still have a long way to go to fight discrimination and exclusion towards individuals with diverse gender identities.  In the region, everyone should have a place we can call “my house,” and even better, “my home.”

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Migration in the Caribbean

A closer look at the Caribbean’s migratory systems

Similar to patterns of migration worldwide, migrants within the Caribbean tend to originate in countries with lower standards of living and fewer opportunities, moving to more advanced economies with more employment opportunities

Challenges and opportunities of migration in the Caribbean

By Valerie Lacarte - Ana María Saiz - Jordi Amaral - Diego Chaves-González - Jeremy Harris

Migration has long been part of the fabric of Caribbean nations’ experience.  But while Caribbean migration is often discussed in the context of out-migration to the United States, Canada, and European countries, movement to and within the Caribbean is an equally important part of this story.  In recent decades, due in great part to climate change, natural disasters, and shifts in global mobility patterns, the migration landscape in the Caribbean has also changed significantly.

To provide governments, stakeholders, and external partners interested in strengthening the region’s capacity to accommodate changing migration patterns, the Inter-American Development Bank and the Migration Policy Institute have partnered to provide a policy review on migration in the Caribbean.

The report Migration, Integration, and Diaspora Engagement in the Caribbean: A Policy Review provides those interested in human mobility across Latin America and the Caribbean with a general overview of the Caribbean region’s extra- and intraregional migration trends, institutional frameworks, and the challenges and opportunities that new migration flows present for its development and regional integration.

Recent changes in the migratory flows in the Caribbean

In 2020, there were an estimated 859,400 intraregional and 745,700 extraregional immigrants living in Caribbean countries.  The intraregional share of migrants grew from 46% in 2000 to 56% in 2020.

The intraregional share and origins of immigrants vary across countries.  In the nine primary countries studied in the report—The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago—immigrants from other Caribbean nations made up 63 percent of all immigrants in 2020.  Intraregional migration was most common in countries such as the Dominican Republic, Barbados, and The Bahamas, and Haitians were by far the largest group of immigrants across these countries, followed by Guyanese.

Extraregional migration in the Caribbean

In some countries, there are notable populations of immigrants from outside the region.  Venezuelans represent the second largest immigrant population (after Haitians) across the nine countries analyzed and are present in particularly large numbers in the Dominican Republic, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana.  Immigrants from the United States, the United Kingdom, China, and Canada were also present in many of these nine countries.

Intraregional migration in the Caribbean

Similar to patterns of migration worldwide, migrants within the Caribbean tend to originate in countries with lower standards of living and fewer opportunities, moving to more advanced economies with more employment opportunities.  As such, countries and territories with thriving tourism industries and higher incomes, such as The Bahamas, the British and U.S. Virgin Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, and Saint Kitts and Nevis, tend to attract nationals from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, and Jamaica.  Moreover, a smaller number of high-skilled workers from countries such as Jamaica, Cuba, and Trinidad and Tobago tend to migrate to countries where they will have greater employment opportunities and receive higher incomes.

The impact of climate change and natural disasters on migration in the Caribbean

Climate change and natural disasters have been important drivers of internal, intraregional, and extraregional displacement in the Caribbean, and experts have expressed concerns that the frequency and impact of climate-related events are only likely to grow in the years to come.  In recent decades, the region has experienced several devastating hurricanes, which are likely the most impactful type of natural disaster in the region, in addition to earthquakes, tropical storms, floods, and drought, all of which have forced people to leave their homes.  These disasters are among the contributing factors to the increased migration of Caribbean nationals, particularly Haitians, to both South and North America.

Regional frameworks and institutions that facilitate mobility

Regional agreements and other forms of cooperation have also emerged as prominent features of mobility in the region.  As an example, under CARICOM’s Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), nationals of CSME Member States benefit from six-month stays without a visa in other Community countries.  While these six-month stays do not come with work authorization, the CSME also includes a Skills Certificates regime that provides free mobility and works authorization for specific categories of workers.

Additionally, the region’s public university system, the University of the West Indies, has facilitated migration for educational purposes, mainly within the anglophone Caribbean.

Challenges for a stronger regional integration

The region’s unique free mobility regimes have, to some extent, helped facilitate the movement of displaced people and response workers during times of environmental crisis.  Yet a closer look at the Caribbean’s migratory systems indicates that, in most of the countries included in the study, these regimes are out of date, and this limits societies’ capacity to manage migration and successfully integrate new immigrants.

Diaspora engagement: An opportunity for the development of the Caribbean

A final, crucial dimension of migration policy in the Caribbean is diaspora engagement in efforts to further the region’s economic development.  Emigrants and their descendants are well-recognized for their role in channeling much-needed financial support to their families in the Caribbean through remittances, but their engagement with their countries of origin or ancestry can also take the form of business development and job creation, direct investment, and the strengthening of social and professional networks.  Moreover, the Caribbean diaspora has contributed to the region via the transfer of knowledge and skills, including through targeted initiatives that seek to counter the decades-old problem of brain drain.

Conclusion

As Caribbean nations continue to face important migration and development challenges, dialogue through the region’s established institutions provides a path towards adapting Caribbean migratory systems, while ensuring that migration policies account for the concerns of sending and receiving countries.

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U.S. Senators reintroduced bipartisan legislation to lift the Cuba trade embargo

U.S. Senators Klobuchar, Moran, Murphy, Marshall, Warren Introduce Bipartisan Legislation to Lift The Trade Embargo on Cuba

The Freedom to Export to Cuba Act would eliminate legal barriers preventing Americans from doing business in Cuba and create new economic opportunities by boosting U.S. exports and allowing Cubans greater access to American goods

WASHINGTON - U.S. Senators Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Jerry Moran (R-KS), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Roger Marshall (R-KS), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) reintroduced bipartisan legislation to lift the Cuba trade embargo.  The Freedom to Export to Cuba Act would eliminate legal barriers preventing Americans from doing business in Cuba and create new economic opportunities by boosting U.S. exports and allowing Cubans greater access to American goods.  The legislation repeals key provisions of existing laws that block Americans from doing business in Cuba, but keeps in place laws that address human rights or property claims against the Cuban government.

“I have long pushed to reform our relationship with Cuba, which for decades has been defined by conflicts of the past instead of looking toward the future,” said Klobuchar.  “By ending the trade embargo with Cuba once and for all, our bipartisan legislation will turn the page on the failed policy of isolation while creating a new export market and generating economic opportunities for American businesses.” 

“The unilateral trade embargo on Cuba blocks our own farmers, ranchers and manufacturers from selling into a market only 90 miles from our shoreline, while foreign competitors benefit at our expense,” said Moran.  “This legislation will expand market opportunities for U.S. producers by allowing them to compete on a level playing field with other countries.  It is time to amend our own laws to give U.S. producers fair access to market to consumers in Cuba.”

“We can expand opportunities for American businesses and farmers to trade with Cuba while still holding the Cuban government accountable for its human rights record.  This bipartisan legislation is a smart fix that will create American jobs and benefit the Cuban people,” said Murphy.

“I’m proud to sign onto the Freedom to Export to Cuba Act.  It’s important for the United States to boost our economic opportunities and increase market access for American-made goods.  Repealing the current legal restrictions and trade embargo on Cuba allows for Kansas farmers, ranchers and manufacturers to expand their businesses to Cuba and opens the door to a large export market, while leaving in place measures to address human rights abuses,” said Marshall.

“It is long past time for us to normalize relations with Cuba,” said Warren.  “This legislation takes important steps to remove barriers for U.S. trade and relations between our two countries and moves us in the right direction by increasing economic opportunities for Americans and the Cuban people.”

The Freedom to Export to Cuba Act repeals the current legal restrictions against doing business with Cuba, including the original 1961 authorization for establishing the trade embargo; subsequent laws that required enforcement of the embargo; and other restrictive statutes that prohibit transactions between U.S.-owned or controlled firms and Cuba, and limitations on direct shipping between U.S. and Cuban ports.

Cuba relies on agricultural imports to feed the 11 million people who live there and the approximately 4 million tourists who visited in 2019 prior to the pandemic.  The U.S. International Trade Commission found that if restrictions on trade with Cuba had been lifted, exports like wheat, rice, corn, and soybeans could increase by 166 percent within five years to a total of about $800 million.

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Haiti’s security situation

Chronic instability in Haiti is contributing to rising food prices, surging hunger, dangerous cholera outbreaks, deepening poverty and the potential for a major migration exodus

Meanwhile, lawlessness is worsening across Haiti

From the brief of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)

Haiti’s prolonged security crisis took an alarming turn for the worse since 2021.  Even before the high-profile assassination of former President Jovenel Moïse by suspected foreign and domestic mercenaries in July 2021, Haiti’s cities and towns registered deteriorating economic conditions, rising social unrest, the targeting of human rights defenders, and the growing menace of heavily armed gangs and organized criminal organizations.

Today, violent gangs have effectively seized control of large swathes of the country, contributing to a deepening humanitarian crisis.  A recent assessment estimates that close to 100,000 Haitians have been physically displaced by insecurity in Port-au-Prince alone.  Chronic instability is contributing to rising food prices, surging hunger, dangerous cholera outbreaks, deepening poverty and the potential for a major migration exodus.

Confronted with escalating insecurity, Haiti’s Council of Ministers authorized the Prime Minister in late 2022 to take the unusual step of requesting the deployment of a “specialized armed force” by the international community.  For its part, the UN Security Council issued a sanctions regime freezing assets, establishing travel bans and embargoing arms flows targeting actors deemed responsible for, complicit in, or having engaged directly or indirectly in actions that threaten the peace, security or stability of Haiti.

Some Member States and prominent non-governmental organizations have called for more muscular intervention, including the deployment of a multinational police force.  The US, for example, has worked with partner Member States on a draft Security Council resolution to deploy a rapid action force, or a “non-UN international security assistance mission”.

And while Haitians have previously bristled at foreign intervention, a recent survey claimed that as much as 70 percent of the population currently supports external security assistance, particularly people residing in gang-controlled areas.  Meanwhile, lawlessness is worsening across Haiti.

It is also growing increasingly violent.  US law enforcement and intelligence authorities detected a sharp uptick in the quantity and calibre of firearms and ammunition destined for Haiti in 2022.  Haiti’s National Police (HNP), along with the international and domestic human rights groups, have also documented rising levels of killings, sexual violence, protest and kidnapping between 2020 and 2023.

Likewise, the US Coast Guard registered a fourfold increase in intercepted Haitian migrants between 2021 and 2022.  And 43,900 Haitians, including as many as 1,800 children, were reportedly deported on the border with the Dominican Republic between July and October 2022 alone.

Observers are especially concerned with the evolution, expansion, and intensification of gang activity across Haiti.  Many of the country’s estimated 150-200 gangs are deeply enmeshed in complex patronage networks aligned with a constellation of political and economic elites.

Opensource research and interviews with specialists in Haiti indicate that a small number of gang federations in and around the capital are expanding their territorial influence over urban neighbourhoods.  They are also targeting critical infrastructure, including access to sea ports, fuel terminals, airports and key roads in and out of major cities.

Gangs have blocked access to fuel reserves, triggering a “humanitarian catastrophe” according to the World Food Programme (WFP).  In the absence of an international security mission or equivalent, the practical focus of international support is on delivering humanitarian aid and bolstering the HNP’s capacities to deter and suppress armed gangs, including the trafficking of firearms.  There is also growing attention to border security, albeit not at a scale that can meaningfully deter and reduce the flow of weapons, drugs, and other contraband.

Throughout 2022 and early 2023, emboldened Haitian gangs steadily expanded their control over key access points to cities, including the capital Port-au-Prince.  Some have also focused on controlling key supply lines connected to public and private ports and international border crossings with the Dominican Republic.

Several gangs and gang coalitions, notably the G9, G-Pep, 400 Mawozo, Baz Galil, Vilaj de Dye, Vitelhomme, and Ti Mkak have targeted public and private institutions.  Many are also engaged in predatory behaviour in communities under their control contributing to rising levels of extortion, sexual violence, kidnapping and fatal violence.

Some UN Members States are determined to ramp-up pressure on the gangs and their backers, including in the wake of egregious acts of violence involving their citizens.  The US and Canada have also delivered “vital security equipment” including tactical and armoured vehicles to the HNP on at least two occasions, in October 2022 and January 2023.

The Security Council sanctions, which target individuals and entities engaging in or supporting criminal activities and violence involving armed groups and criminal networks, among other actions, have so far designated one person under the regime, namely Jimmy Cherizier, who the text identifies as one of Haiti’s most influential gang leaders and who leads an alliance of gangs known as the “G9 Family and Allies”.

The EU has further transposed the UN sanctions into legislation.  Unilateral sanctions, meanwhile, implicate at least eight former Haitian presidents, prime ministers, senators and businesspeople suspected of involvement in illegal activities such firearms and drug trafficking, among other crimes.

Haiti’s political system has been described by the World Bank as “driven by capture, rent-seeking and clientelism”, leading to widespread abuses of powers and corruption.  Elected and appointed officials at all levels of government and across multiple sectors have been implicated in illicit activities ranging from corruption, fraud and money laundering to supporting gangs to bolster their political power and capacity to influence elections.

As detailed in the unilateral sanctions announcements, several members of Haiti’s economic elite are suspected of involvement in criminal rackets, including influential Haitian families and members of the diaspora in the US and the Dominican Republic.  The announcements highlight the concentration of political and economic power in the country. 

A handful of Haitian family dynasties account for the vast majority of the country’s overall wealth.  Some of them are involved in the agricultural, manufacturing, shipping and logistics sectors, while others oversee import-export operations.

Several prominent Haitian businesspeople have also acquired honorific diplomatic titles conferring a level of immunity and reductions in import and export tax.  Individuals involved in industrial parks warehousing imports and private ports have typically encountered limited oversight from government authorities.

Due to mounting concerns with crime and insecurity, private security companies have expanded across Haiti in recent decades.  Many provide close protection services for the country’s political and economic elite as well as protection for public facilities, critical infrastructure and small and medium businesses.

Significant numbers of such companies also recruit directly from the HNP, with officers either moonlighting or leaving law enforcement altogether to work in the more lucrative private sector.  Some of these entities have been implicated in firearms trafficking.

The growth of private security in Haiti coincides with similar patterns of private security expansion across Latin America and the Caribbean, alongside a deepening security crisis following the 2010 earthquake and particularly since the departure of UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) in 2017.

PRIVATE SECURITY COMPANIES IN HAITI

The suspects in the assassination of Haiti’s President Moïse inside his home in the early hours of 7 July, 2021 include a team of mercenaries connected to a small US firms, which reportedly offered close protection support, training in firearms, and access to military-style equipment.  This is not the first time US-owned private security companies have been implicated in murky ventures in Haiti.

In February 2019, for example, several US contractors were reportedly arrested in Port-au-Prince with a cache of weapons and military equipment.  They claimed to be providing security to both the government and private security details for local business elites.

According to accounts given to media, they were released by Haiti’s Justice Ministry following US intervention, repatriated and freed without charge.

Private security firms officially emerged in Haiti following the end of the Duvalier dictatorship in the late 1980s.  Haiti’s 1987 Constitution did not originally include provisions for such enterprises.

In fact, Article 263 specified that the armed forces and police were the only armed groups permitted to operate in the country.  However, a 1988 decree and 1989 amendment legalized private security companies.

In 1994, oversight passed from the disbanded armed forces to the HNP via a Presidential decree.  Today, private security companies are permitted to acquire and hold firearms in Haiti.

The 1988 and 1989 legislation permit firearm licences for up to half of the registered personnel of a private security firm.  Only certain categories of weapons – handguns and shotguns – are permitted.

All licence applications must be made to the Minister of the Interior and Territorial Collectives (MICT) and the HNP is responsible for delivery and oversight of firearms through a registry managed by the Central Department for Administrative Police (DCPA).  Although analysts believe that local private security companies oversee a far larger arsenal than what is legally permitted, information on the scope and scale of their arsenals is unavailable.

In 2012, the most recent year for which public records are available, the MICT reported just 40 separate private security companies licenced to operate in the country.  Firms reportedly varied in size from 50 to 2,000 personnel, with a total of 12,000 individuals in total.

Roughly half of their clients at the time were foreign embassies and non-governmental organizations and the remainder consisted of banks, businesses and schools.  While not possible to independently verify, specialists speculate that there could be 75,000 to 90,000 individuals working with roughly 100 private security companies across the country, at least five times the number of registered police officers.

US-based private security companies contracted by foreign governments such as Haiti to provide specialized services are subject to a range of domestic oversight mechanisms.  For example, when they are recruited to provide essential defence services, including military or law enforcement training, such companies must obtain arms exports licences from the US Department of State and undergo a review that also involves the US Department of Defense.  Although the State Department forbids combat services under International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), some private security companies have reportedly pursued unauthorized services.

The formation of the HNP in 1994 coincided with the disbanding of the country’s armed forces.  Police reform experts believe that the absence of a coherent framework for policing and the rushed formation, recruitment and training of new officers hobbled the force from the start.

Despite successive UN missions in Haiti and repeated efforts to exact security system reform, HNP performance has been hampered by mandate, leadership, capacity and budgetary constraints.  One persistent deficiency relates to the management and accountability over existing firearms holdings of law enforcement officers and stores of seized weapons.

Another long-standing impediment relates to the weak government coordination across agencies – including entities charged with addressing weapons and drug trafficking, customs, migration and anti-corruption efforts.  Arguably the most significant challenge facing the HNP is its limited force strength and modest resourcing.

As of late 2022, there were an estimated 14,161 HNP personnel, though BINUH assessed that its operational strength was closer to 13,000 and fewer than 9,000 are on active duty.  Specialized police units face chronic staffing shortages.  For example, the HNP’s border patrol (POLIFRONT) has just 294 officers, an order of magnitude fewer than the Dominican Republic.

Meanwhile, the Haitian Coast Guard (HCG) has just 181 officers and a single operational vessel (since others are either undergoing repairs in the US or simply non-functioning).  Likewise, the country’s anti-narcotics brigade (BLTS) has just 317 personnel and is severely under-resourced and over-stretched.  These capacity shortfalls are contributing to weak chain of custody over seized contraband, including  drugs and firearms.

Another factor hampering the effectiveness of the HNP is its uneven operational presence across the country.  A sizeable share of officers within the HNP and its specialized units are stationed in the capital, Port-au-Prince, with the remainder sparsely distributed across Haiti’s cities, towns and border areas.

One reason for this is that many HNP officers are often placed on duties unrelated to their core responsibilities, including the provision of close protection for senior government officials.  The misallocation of police further degrades their effectiveness.

With the exception of a handful of staff stationed at Haiti’s two international airports and selected border crossings, there are virtually none policing key air, land and maritime entry and exit points.  The HNP also struggles to manage, share and analyse data within the organization, much less across government agencies.

Notwithstanding the controversial legacy of Haiti’s armed forces during the dictatorship era, there is a persistent chorus for it to be reconstituted.  Pressure to rebuild Haiti’s military has been applied since it was disbanded by former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1994.

For example, former President Rene Preval (1996-2001) established a commission to review the necessity of the armed forces, though faced with foreign and domestic opposition, opted to reinforce the HNP instead.  A decade later, former President Michel Martelly (2011-2016) advocated for the return of the armed forces, but ultimately also demurred.

The late President Moïse (2017-2021) took the decision early in his administration to reconstitute the armed forces, announcing the allocation of $8.5 million of defence spending in 2018 and appointment of a high command under the Ministry of Defence.  At the time, there was reportedly a plan to recruit 5,000 soldiers to expand national security and civil protection capacities.  Today, there are an estimated 500 members of the armed forces, several of whom have received training in Ecuador and Mexico.

Source/Full Brief