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Monday, March 5, 2012
CARICOM: a failure of effective leadership
Leadership - political, institutional and business - has failed the Caribbean integration process and people over the last decade in the thrust to move from common market to single market and economy and to cope in an unsympathetic global environment.
This became crystal clear to me in 2009. Then, in the throes of the global economic and financial crisis, CARICOM political leaders refused to adopt and advance an innovative and internally driven strategy based on collaboration, Caribbean creativity and innate strengths. They consciously and explicitly decided to go visionless and without a strategy to the international financial institutions to provide them with the solution to the crisis as it was manifesting itself in the region.
That, together with their retreat from the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME), which should have been the strategic bulwark of the region in the global crisis, and increasing public cynical statements by leaders, caused me to fear for the Caribbean. I, however, decided to avoid writing, or commenting, as far as possible, lest I added fodder for the cynicism of the general population.
Three recent pieces of writing have caused me to reconsider. These are:
(i) Bits and pieces from Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves' letter to CARICOM's secretary general, Ambassador Irwin La Rocque,
(ii) Two articles by veteran Caribbean journalist and long-time integration observer Ricky Singh, and
(iii) The editorial in the Observer of February 29, titled 'CARICOM must be enlarged to survive'.
I fear that these are again laying tracks for debate, apportioning of blame, avoidance of responsibility and action and the further disillusionment of the population, especially the young ones. I have, therefore, decided to break my self-imposed silence to offer a few suggestions for action.
Accountability and agriculture
First, political leaders, at their next opportunity, must make this short declaration, without preamble: "We are all culpable, we are all responsible for the state of the Caribbean economy. We commit to work together to raise the CARICOM economic boat on which we are all adrift."
Second, political and business leaders must recognise that even with the various global crises, there are significant economic opportunities for Brand Caribbean. Important here, are:
CARICOM has a large and unsustainable food-import bill. In addition to this large and growing regional market, there is an insatiable international market for food - especially foods produced under environmentally healthy conditions such as those which still exist in the Caribbean.
Further, unlike the situation which prevailed in the 1980s, 1990s and the first half of the 2000s, when areas such as the Caribbean were discouraged and punished for indulging in food production, the international community is now encouraging and facilitating investment in agricultural production for food and other global benefits such as mitigation of environmental degradation and climate change; the provision of raw material for alternative energy; pharmaceutical and nutraceutical production; and for the achievement of several of the Millennium Development Goals.
Investment in agriculture is a private-sector, not budget-driven, activity. Leaders should agree unequivocally to operationalise the provisions of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas. This would give investors in agriculture, agro-industry and allied services rights to the resources and to invest as envisaged by the treaty. Also, agree to immediately reconstitute the group which has been looking at agriculture for the past 10 years or so to include a much larger private-sector component.
Solving energy woes
Energy is critical to international competitiveness. International competitiveness is one of the foundation objectives that differentiates the CSME from the 1973 Common Market. In a region comprising small, closely located economies, international competitiveness can only be achieved and sustained by combining resources.
Leaders must accept that it is against the letter, intent and spirit of the Revised Treaty to use the existence of a natural resource in a particular jurisdiction to create competitive advantage over other members of the CSME.
A priority of the region should be to put in place an appropriately structured technical group to advise on how best to utilise resources such as the sun, sea and airspaces, fisheries, forests, bauxite, oil and natural gas to drive sustainable and balanced development. Balanced development is a fundamental concept in both the 1973 and 2001 versions of the treaty.
Export Services
The CARICOM Secretariat has had in its possession, since January 2011, the final report of a study it commissioned on 'New Export Services'. The study, among other things, recommended five broad areas in which the region can collaborate for immediate, spread and sustained benefits. These benefits would include not just increased income and employment but the stimulation of the region's creativity and entrepreneurial talents, and the linking of the culture, music, athletic and sporting prowess of the young persons, especially in urban areas.
These recommendations require relatively small financial outlays. In any event, the region is not short of financial resources for export promotion. In addition to the resources it expends annually in areas like tourism promotion, it has access to more than €28.1 million from the European Union through CARIBBEAN EXPORT and US$40 million from the Inter-American Development Bank, the Canadian International Development Agency, and the Department For International Development under the Compete Caribbean Programme. These are two relatively new facilities. The resources should be largely untapped so that governments should agree to direct their use to areas of likely greatest impact.
One of the priority recommendations relates to London 2012. The basis of the recommendation is the serendipitous coincidence of XXX Olympiad, the Special Olympics and the associated Cultural Olympiad; the burst of the Caribbean (through Jamaica) on to the Olympic stage in London in 1948, followed by Helsinki, 60 years ago, and the expected excellence of the Caribbean in sprint events in London, based on performances in Beijing and Berlin.
Add to this the 50th anniversary of independence from Britain, of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, and the 40th anniversary of CARIFESTA, together with the large Caribbean diaspora population in the United Kingdom, it creates a one-time opportunity to project all aspects of Caribbean life. The spin-off benefits for creativity, culture, music, cuisine, investment opportunities, export potential, tourist attractions, and Caribbean people in general, would be tremendous.
This would not only create a lasting legacy in the UK but provide the basis for a Caribbean programme at the 2014 football World Cup and 2016 Olympics, both in Brazil.
Five months out from the Olympics, which opens on July 27, there is no Caribbean or even national programme to take advantage of the unique opportunity. It is late. But in the words of the chair of the Cultural Olympiad, "It is never late for a good idea." A strong Caribbean participation was considered by her to be "a good idea".
CARICOM leaders must now resolve to work together and launch a specially selected task force to pull together a rescue programme. This should be delivered within one month. Pieces of work have been done and there are individuals who have worked with key persons in the UK side who were, up to late 2011, anxious to work with the Caribbean. The task force would have responsibility to coordinate the implementation.
Third, political leaders must complete the implementation of some high-profile outstanding decisions. In this regard, the full implementation of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ).
CCJ
The Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) is a financially costless act through which CARICOM leaders A drilling rig in the twin-island republic of Trinidad and Tobago as depicted on gstt.org. Byron Blake says that CARICOM member states should coordinate the use of natural resources to benefit the region.
can demonstrate to the people of the region their seriousness about Caribbean integration.
In the 50th anniversary of the independence movement in the English-speaking Caribbean, leaders should resolve to make the CCJ their final court of Appeal. Jamaica, with the largest caseload, and Trinidad and Tobago, the seat of the court, should complete the process before the end of the anniversary year.
Fourth, leaders must seek quick resolution or defusing of differences before they become disputes.
The Reverend Wes Hall will confirm that in 1971 when the prime minister of Guyana, Forbes Burnham, decided to ban Gary Sobers from playing cricket in Guyana, the then prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago presented him with airline tickets and a letter of apology, over Sobers' signature, to take to Barbados to Gary to sign and then to Guyana to Prime Minister Burnham. Burnham accepted Sobers' apology; matter resolved.
Few but those directly involved knew about Eric Williams' hand in the resolution.
Fast-forward to today. A misunderstanding between Chris Gayle and the West Indies Cricket Board (WICB) has been left for a year to balloon into a dispute between Jamaica, the Jamaican prime minister and the WICB, with no intervention at leadership level - political business or civil. Leaders must put in place mechanisms to resolve this and be vigilant in the future.
Fifth, political leadership must resolve to appoint institutional leaders based on proven competence and experience; provide them with clear mandates and resources; and hold them responsible. In a time of crisis, a new secretary general has been in office for six months without issuing a statement of vision or direction. This will not instil confidence in a region and an institution under siege.
Byron Blake is a former assistant secretary general of the CARICOM Secretariat. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com.
March 4, 2012
jamaica-gleaner
Sunday, March 4, 2012
Making the case for Caricom 'priorities'
AGAINST the backdrop of the recently reported "crisis" assessment of the Caribbean Community outlined in a document currently engaging attention by our Heads of Government, Secretary-General Irwin LaRocque now speaks of the region's economic integration movement in terms of being at the "crossroads" and of "a critical juncture" in its 38-year history.
Clichés? Not really. In his own manner of "telling it like it is", LaRocque, who has been secretary-general for just about six months — though he previously served as assistant secretary-general for trade and economic integration since 2005 — has chosen to share an optimistic vision for Caricom's future.
It's a vision that calls for an end to the setting of unrealistic goals and perceived slothfulness in implementation processes of decisions unanimously adopted; and with arrangements and mechanisms in place to effectively "meet the legitimate expectations of the people of our Community..."
The 56-year-old Dominica-born economist, who last year succeeded the retired Edwin Carrington from Trinidad and Tobago who served for 18 years at the helm of the Georgetown-based Caricom Secretariat, chose the event of a business luncheon, organised by the Guyana Manufacturing Association (GMA) as his platform last Wednesday to do more than correct what he views as some wrong perceptions of the Community.
Simultaneously he sneered at policy-making decisions that contribute to some of the cynicism and frustrations across the Community by the setting of unrealistic goals — most significant being target dates for attainment of a single market and the envisaged seamless regional economy.
LaRocque also challenged the Guyanese business leaders and, by extension, the regional private sector in general, to become more involved in partnership with governments, the Secretariat and related agencies and institutions to make a reality of the primary objectives of Caricom as outlined in the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas.
Facing the challenges
It is not without significance that LaRocque's address to the Guyanese business representatives came a week ahead of the two-day Inter-Sessional Meeting of Caricom leaders that begins this Thursday in Suriname with the future administrative architecture of the Community Secretariat as a major work agenda issue in facing up to the challenges confronting the region's integration movement.
Let me share with readers some highlights of his address:
It must be recognised that "meeting the legitimate expectations of the people of our Community has become more challenging at a time when the effects of the global economic crisis and financial crises, first felt in 2008, are still reverberating...
"I am not all suggesting that the malaise in which we find ourselves is only and totally due to the global crises; but it certainly has exacerbated it. Also, it certainly has brought to the fore the need, once again, to take stock of what we are doing and how we are doing it; how effective we are, and are we delivering..."
Conceding that the Community "is not without a vehicle" for realising the legitimate expectations of the region's people, LaRocque contended that the CSME still remains as relevant today as when the idea was first conceived in Grand Anse (Grenada) in 1989.
"It still represents tremendous potential to achieve the goals of growth and employment and to provide business opportunities... But the CSME continues to be a work in progress which has been characterised by some as being slothful."
'No business as usual'
In recalling what he said last August in his inaugural address as secretary-general, LaRocque emphasised that "it could not be business as usual... this dictum applies not only to the Caricom Secretariat but to the entire Caribbean Community, in other words, to all stakeholders.
"This view has (now) been supported by the report of the team of independent consultants... There is just so much that can be done, given the realities (an allusion also to human and financial resources), and the time has come for us to cut our suit to fit the cloth with which we have been endowed...
"The Community needs to prioritise", he stressed, recalling that at their special retreat in Guyana last year the Heads of Government had agreed to do so with an approved list of priorities..."
LaRocque, who did not consider it prudent to give some idea of the "list of priorities", and may even be accused unfairly of attempting to rationalise perceived shortcomings of the Secretariat and Community's political directorate ahead of this week's meeting of Heads of Government, was emphatic in declaring that the current mode of trying to get everything done at the same time is inefficient and contributes to gridlock, the so-called implementation deficit... The role of the Secretariat in all this will be determined in large measure by the response of the Heads of Government to the report of the independent consultants...
"However," he stressed, "the view that all things Caricom are within the purview of the Caricom Secretariat is erroneous. There cannot be responsibility without authority."
A harsh reality
"A critical element in going forward, therefore," LaRocque contends, must be a clear understanding that the Secretariat can no longer be all things to all persons. If we are to be more effective, we must be focused and adequately resourced to play any role that is envisaged by our Heads of Government. Or, to repeat, we must prioritise in keeping with the resources available.
Well, so far as his argument that "there cannot be responsibility without authortity" is concerned, LaRocque, the seventh confirmed secretary-general of Caricom, would know that the West Indian Commission had offered specific recommendations to overcome such a problem in their 1992 report, and principally the proposal to have a management mechanism with "executive authority".
That harsh reality was confronted some 20 years ago. Since then, there have been numerous reports, as mandated by the Community's leaders, with specific proposals to enable the region's integration movement to achieve its defined goals. No luck for implementation.
Last year, as LaRocque has recalled, the leaders came up with a list of "priorities" for action, in the context of prevailing resources. Instead, having effectively placed the flagship CSME project "on pause", it is doubtful that they will come forward at this week's meeting in Suriname with a much-needed positive response on "priorities" to arrest the spreading "crisis" situation in which the Caricom Secretariat seems to be functioning.
March 04, 2012
jamaicaobserver
Saturday, March 3, 2012
Over 60% of the world cruise ship fleet is in the Caribbean in the winter high season... ...bigger and bigger ships today... which apparently have less than adequate emergency back-up systems to allow safe operation of the vessel in the event of a major fire or severe grounding or collision
By Robert Maclellan
In the last six weeks, two cruise ships from the same company, Costa Cruises, have experienced very serious incidents that could have resulted in potentially disastrous damage to the marine environment in tourism sensitive areas of the world.
Both ships drifted helplessly, without power or steering capability, the Costa Concordia capsizing on rocks near the Italian tourist island of Giglio and the Costa Allegra coming within 20 miles of the pristine Alphonse group of coral atolls in the Seychelles.
In the Caribbean -- which is THE most tourism dependent region in the world – Costa Cruises have ships calling in ports in Jamaica, the Turks and Caicos Islands, St Maarten, The Bahamas, Antigua, the British Virgin Islands, Belize and the Cayman Islands. Costa is part of Carnival Group and their ships, including Princess, P&O, Holland America, Cunard, Seabourne and Aida cruise lines, call at almost every major island in the region and the group’s financial resources dwarf the GDP of most Caribbean economies.
In total, over 60% of the world cruise ship fleet is in the Caribbean in the winter high season – bigger and bigger ships today, which apparently have less than adequate emergency back-up systems to allow safe operation of the vessel in the event of a major fire or severe grounding or collision.
The Italian Coast Guard employed multiple vessels and helicopters in rescue attempts at the scene of the Costa Concordia and a large French fishing vessel first took the Costa Allegra under tow. A Dutch salvage company was soon alongside, pumping out the Costa Concordia’s fuel tanks to reduce the pollution potential, although the ship apparently may still break up on the rocks and scatter all kinds of debris. What resources exist in most Caribbean islands to limit the effect of a similar or greater cruise ship disaster?
Off the Italian coast the ship hit rocks, while in the Seychelles and in the Caribbean the resulting damage would likely be caused to reefs. The damage to Caribbean reefs and the marine environment -- simply from cruise ship anchors and disposal of garbage overboard -- has been well documented in the past. However, a serious grounding or collision could result in a devastating long term environmental disaster. Most cruise ships move to other regions of the world at the end of the winter season and detailed Caribbean island cruise itineraries can be readily changed. Therefore, in the event of a disaster, it is a single or small group of island governments that will bear the full impact.
How much assistance and cooperation have Caribbean governments received from cruise lines to finance and resource effective disaster planning to mitigate these risks? In recent years the spend on island per cruise ship passenger appears to have declined significantly, while Caribbean government port taxes have not even kept up with inflation in the region. Today’s cruise ship business model is a highly aggressive one, in terms of both its competitive position with Caribbean hotels in high season, and its resultant negative impact on inward investment for new resorts. Is it not time that the fiscal contribution of cruise lines to the Caribbean more fairly reflected their impact on the local environment and, ultimately, their potential for environmental disaster in the region?
Robert Maclellan is CEO of MacLellan & Associates, the largest hospitality, tourism and leisure consultancy based in the Caribbean. He has worked in the hotel industry across the Caribbean and was a cruise ship hotel officer and vice president hotel services of a cruise line earlier in his career.
March 3, 2012
caribbeannewsnow
Thursday, March 1, 2012
Legal gambling versus illegal gambling in The Bahamas
The Bahamian gambling saga
By Arinthia S. Komolafe
The election season is well in full force in The Bahamas. All of the major political parties have cranked up their machinery and politicians are making their presence felt on the talk show circuit. No one would argue that crime and the economy are two of the biggest concerns on the electorate’s mind as we move toward the 2012 general election. However, politicians should not make the mistake of campaigning on these issues alone. The Bahamian electorate want answers and proposed policies on a multitude of issues including immigration, exploration of natural resources for economic benefit and future plans to address our failing education system. One of the issues that the next government of The Bahamas must confront is the more than half a century topic of gambling by Bahamians in The Bahamas.
Gambling no doubt is one of the most controversial topics of discussion in The Bahamas. There are many proponents and critics. It remains uncertain, however, what percentage of the Bahamian population is for or against legalizing gambling by Bahamians. The reality is that we as a nation continue to go round and round in circles on this matter, while thousands of Bahamians patronize the multitude of what are commonly referred to as ‘number houses’ in The Bahamas.
The arguments
An argument against the legalization is that it will bring with it a myriad of social issues that are opposed to Christian values and will cause a decadence in Bahamian society. While it is accepted among some that gambling may not be an outright sin in the Bible, gambling done in excess is sinful.
Others opposed to the legalization of gambling have put forth an economic argument claiming that gambling is an open form of regressive taxation that will affect those of the lower income brackets more than those of the middle and upper class. As a result, those of the lower income class will fail to take care of their financial obligations at home such as paying necessary bills and caring for their families. A perception exists that individuals below the poverty line gamble more than persons who are not poor. However, studies in America suggest that the reverse is true as it was found that more persons of the middle class played the lottery as opposed to those of the lower income class.
Proponents of legalizing gambling assert that government cannot legislate morality. Further, proponents claim that there are many potential benefits including an increase in government revenue which can contribute toward charitable purposes, infrastructure and most notably education. Advocates of the legalization of gambling also argue that it is another legitimate source of income for a government that has limited ability to increase its revenue intake. Although this argument has been successful in persuading a lot of Americans to vote in favor of a national lottery, it was found that the eventual revenue was not utilized in the manner that many had hoped for. For instance, the additional revenue from the lottery did in fact go towards education; however, many states reduced or offset the allocation to the educational budget against revenue received from the lottery. Hence, the education budget was not increased overall but education was merely funded by another source of revenue. To remedy this effect, a few states in America have passed legislation to ensure that a certain percentage of revenue received from the lottery is allocated for the specific purpose of education. This ensures that the funds are used for the purpose intended on the one hand, and on the other hand it ensures that the states do not decrease their allocation to education.
The greatest issue with gambling in The Bahamas is the fact that there is much hypocrisy surrounding the point. Several decades ago, the government of the day approved policy for hoteliers and casino operators to provide gambling services, however casino gambling and ‘playing numbers’ was outlawed for Bahamians. It is interesting to note that civic organizations, churches and schools still have the ability to distribute raffle tickets as a major fundraiser. However, provisions have been made for such activities under the Gaming and Lotteries Act. Over the years, law enforcers have conducted random raids of ‘number house’ establishments in an attempt to discourage the practice of gambling by Bahamians otherwise called ‘buying and selling numbers’. However, the truth of the matter is that neither the government nor the law enforcers have done an adequate job ‘shutting down’ the number houses.
There is widespread hypocrisy in that the government allows foreign investors to enter the country and provide amenities for casino gambling for their guests, but Bahamians though guests of these hotels quite often are unable to utilize these gambling facilities. It is unclear whether the operators of ‘number houses’ want gambling by Bahamians legalized. Any potential legalization will certainly decrease their profits, reduce market share and relinquish their current control to a government authority. Liberalization of the gambling market will foster competition and encourage the entrance of more competitors. Hoteliers and casino operators may not prefer any gambling policy that allows Bahamians to gamble not because of a threat to their market share, but because it will provide Bahamians with the licence to enter these establishments and patronize all the amenities just as the foreign tourists and non-residents do. Arguably, hoteliers and casino operators may not find such a policy good for their businesses.
It appears that there are arguably many special interests who prefer to keep the status quo. However, maintenance of the current state of affairs will increase hypocrisy and anarchy among Bahamians. It is advisable for the next government of The Bahamas to ascertain the gambling appetite of the Bahamian population and propose a referendum on the matter. We must take a “what is good for the goose is good for the gander approach”.
Legal gambling in The Bahamas should benefit both Bahamians and non-residents alike. The same is true for illegal gambling; neither Bahamians nor non-residents should benefit. If Bahamians agree to legalize gambling, it follows that the government must take the necessary steps to comply with the wishes of the people. However, if the overwhelming response is to keep gambling by Bahamians illegal, the government and relevant government agencies must enforce the law and uphold the provisions of the Gaming and Lotteries Act. This is the essence of democracy – a government of the people, for the people and by the people.
Arinthia S. Komolafe is an attorney-at-law. Comments can be directed at: arinthia.komolafe@komolafelaw.com
Mar 01, 2012
Wednesday, February 29, 2012
Living and surviving in today's Caribbean
Gone are the lazy days of summer where you were experiencing the pleasures of a Caribbean childhood. Eating mangoes till you had a serious bellyache and Grandma decided you needed a proper clean out; riding on the village donkey until the animal had enough of you and decided to kick you off; being sent up the road to catch water to be used for cooking and other sanitary purposes; playing childhood games such as Mississippi, ladder, hide and seek, or just plain out hunting lizards with your catapult just for the fun of it.

Those were the days where we had no care in the world. It did not matter what fashion it was in or the clothes we wore, although the dread of having your hair ironed was definitely not a thing to look forward to, but it was either that or the endless hours of plaiting our kinky hair. All our needs and supplies were taken care of as far as we were concerned.
We did not see the struggles of our parents to put food on the table; the concern in their faces as to how they would pay the bills; or how they wondered and worried if their children would grow up to well-adjusted and contributing citizens of our islands. We were free to think, feel, play, and relax our little minds and fully believe that we would be anything we wanted to be.
Now those days are gone and we are now in our parents’ shoes but this is a different Caribbean. We are all now having to face the trials and tribulations of this modern world. Politics, economics, and social issues are all intertwined in our decisions. Everything is different and difficult and we wonder what happen to the carefree days of our childhood.
Politicians offer the Promised Land but all we receive are hardships as we are working three times as hard for the exact same pay from three years ago; crime is everywhere for it does not discriminate and worry sets in as you wonder if the things that you worked so hard for would disappear in the wink of an eye.
As for the social issues, they hit us like bricks, as we step over one another but it appears there seems to be no solutions readily available. Relationships, which should assist with these adversities, become strained, difficult, and unsupportive; friendships no longer appear to be real and churches, whose duty it is to provide ease and spiritual comfort, now appear to only want what the bill collectors want and that is money.
Where is the relief for us in this modern Caribbean? Our foundation has always been a spiritual one but in the face of such misfortune, are we doomed to be consumed by our problems? No, we are not, as we are a strong people, a resilient people; a people who understand that where there is a valley there must be a mountain.
We will continue to strive, push, and crawl if we must but we will survive and eventually succeed. It is innate in us, as Caribbean people to always thrive no manner the obstacles that are placed before us. We may wallow, complain, and stress ourselves until we see grey hairs begin to appear but deep down in us is always the will to persist. It is not in us to give up on our problems but instead we are always driven to find solutions. We are now realising that we cannot win every battle but we also know that given our faith and belief systems anything is possible.
So to my Caribbean people facing these difficult times understand the following:
• Know thyself and if you know thyself then you will know what you deserve and work towards it
• Understand that problems will come as they are a part of life and do not allow your vision to be clouded by those problems, for if all you see is problems then you will never see the solutions
• Always remember your spiritual foundation, as in times of extreme difficulty it will teach you to persevere and survive
• Nothing is ever as bad as it appears. Life is a balance where there is sunshine; it must be followed by rain. Rain is not a bad element. It may prevent us from doing certain things but its true purpose is to cleanse the earth and nurture our food
• No matter your trial or tribulations, always seek the positive. It is a change of thinking that changes our path.
Life in this modern Caribbean is definitely more difficult than what our ancestors may have experienced, but luckily for us we have been given the tools to navigate these turbulent waters. Therefore, we will shape the present and assist our children in their future by passing down the tools of survival.
February 29, 2012
caribbeannewsnow
Tuesday, February 28, 2012
Dons are criminal non-state actors that evolved out of the divisive trade union and partisan battles in Jamaica from the 1940s to 1960s... ...The term 'don' is a recent one, however, one that gained venom in the 1980s... ...before that you had 'rude bwoys', 'top rankings' and 'area leaders'
By Damion Blake, jamaica-gleaner guest columnist
The Jamaican don is a unique figure, created by a divisive and polarised partisan culture, and produced by the social and economic conditions of urban poverty and limited access to legitimate employment.
Dons emerged in a country where social status and prestige are important markers of upward mobility, and what the late Professor Rex Nettleford termed a 'smaddy'.
But who really are dons? How have they come to dominate the geopolitical spaces of garrison neighbourhoods in Jamaica? I view them as governance actors who use both fear and material rewards as tools for achieving and maintaining power inside Jamaica's garrison communities.
I write this article against the background of research I conducted in one of Jamaica's urban communities in the Kingston and Metropolitan Area last year from August to December 2011. This urban inner city, which I will refer to as 'California Villa', is in a garrison constituency and has been termed a garrison community.
I interviewed more than 40 persons who lived and/or worked in the community. I also spoke with civil-society and NGO groups that have worked in garrison and inner-city communities for decades in Jamaica.
One respondent who lives in California Villa remarked, "Don is a leader, a man who decide when the war fi start and when it fi end. Him decide who lives and who dies." I found the pronouncement of the respondent to be both instructive and scary. Like an investigator, I followed several trails trying to better understand who these community figures really are.
The late Professor Barry Chevannes once referred to dons as "folk heroes"; I think in many ways Prof was right. Dons have a kind of social power inside garrison communities that gives them perverse legitimacy, respect, social prestige but, most of all, a deep fear among residents. Residents fear dons and the gangs they lead. To cross paths with, or diss, the don is an almost sure ticket to punishment.
Dons also have network connections outside the walls of garrison communities. One respondent who runs a community-based association remarked, "There is no don without a politician, and there is no don without his own police."
Categorising criminal dons
But are all dons the same?
From the research I carried out, I realised that there are different types of dons in garrison spaces; in fact, there are some community figures that have social influence, but are not really dons.
One respondent, who works closely with inner-city and garrison communities, informed me that there are some men called 'boss man' who provide material resources to residents in these communities. They have respect among the youth in the area, but they are, technically, not dons.
Based on my research, a three-tier structure of dons emerges: there is the mega don, the powerful community don, and the lower-ranked street/corner don. Most garrisons, it seems, tend to have street-level dons, with fewer powerful dons and still fewer mega dons.
The mega don operates across garrison communities, is awash in wealth, has transnational links to organised crime (drug and gun trafficking), leads a gang, has legitimate businesses but also organises mega robberies and extortion rackets.
The don is essentially a male (I came across no female dons) who has resources in the form of money, has some political association (loose or strong), has an arsenal of weapons, usually is a leader or top-ranking gang member, has respect in the community (whether out of fear or admiration), and someone who provides some social benefits to the community.
Dons are criminal non-state actors that evolved out of the divisive trade union and partisan battles in Jamaica from the 1940s to 1960s. The term 'don' is a recent one, however, one that gained venom in the 1980s; before that you had 'rude bwoys', 'top rankings' and 'area leaders'.
Damion Blake is an instructor and PhD student at Virginia Tech State University. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com and damionkblake@gmail.com.
February 27, 2012
jamaica-gleaner
Sunday, February 26, 2012
Hugo Chávez: "We will live and win!"
FÉLIX LÓPEZ
CONSTERNATION at the news that President Chávez is to undergo further surgery was followed by an impressive wave of popular support and love. Venezuelan revolutionaries listened to his first-hand and frank explanation of the situation. Immediately, their collective response could be heard everywhere, "Palante, Comandante!" (Keep on going, Comandante!)
Once again this relationship, human and almost umbilical, which has developed between Chávez and his people, is being put to the test. What happens to the President also hurts the people and vice versa. This explains why, since this past Tuesday, all the informative and emotional life of the country has focused on the leader’s medical condition, expressed in the media and the street, on social networks and cell phones.
Chávez once again used his Twitter account to respond in an intimate way, on Wednesday afternoon. "All my love to you. I promise that I will fight without respite for life. We will live and win!"
Contrary to this support from public sectors, the media campaign aimed at taking advantage of the situation continues. A cable from the agency which reproduces the U.S. line speculated Wednesday, "The voluble socialist leader and sarcastic critic of the United States might have no option but to appoint a successor."
Communications and Information Minister Andrés Izarra immediately responded, "The wave of rumors concerning President Hugo Chávez’ health, fuelled by the right wing in some of the media, is an attempt to block his candidacy for the October 7 elections. What they are seeking is to break this confidence and the possibility of Chávez being the candidate. We believe in the word and strength of the Comandante: he will live and win."
Havana. February 23, 2012
granma.cu