By Scott Armstrong ~ Guardian Business Editor ~ scott@nasguard.com
twitter.com/guardianbiz:
While the news was being digested that The Bahamas was now back on the the international tax white list, one well-known financier called for the government to look again at the nation's tax structure.
Paul Moss, managing director of the financial services company Dominion Management Services Ltd, welcomed the news that The Bahamas had signed the 12 Tax Information Exchange Agreements (TIEAs) he warned that it would only be a question of time before the G20 and the OECD wanted more.
He said: "While the government should be congratulated for having acted appropriately to have the Bahamas removed off the grey list, it is a momentary victory as it will not be long before the OECD coming knocking again with more demands.
"When you give them an inch they take the proverbial mile and this is why I have called for the Bahamas to change its tax structure so that we could avoid these kinds of demands. We ought to now become proactive by introducing income tax with a low flat rate so we are no longer accused of being a tax heaven which makes us at the whim of the OECD.
"I am tired of saying it but sometimes you must repeat until our leaders get it. Only when we become a taxed jurisdiction (income tax) would we be left lone.
"Now is the perfect opportunity for us to engage in this dialog and seek to sign double taxation agreement with every country in the world if necessary.
"This is serious business and we cannot afford to continue to be reactionary in this regard. I now call on the professionals in private practice and the government to sit and maturely map out a new tax regime which will also have the desired affect of bring more money to the treasury as we as making it more equitable for the poor".
Thursday March 11, 2010
thenassauguardian
An International Caribbean Online Log about the news and opinions in the Americas and World. This Caribbean Blog of global reach and appeal is maintained by Bahamian Blogger - Dennis Dames with all readers and subscribers in mind.
Thursday, March 11, 2010
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
RESTAVEK...: A HIDDEN EVIL
Insight - tribune242:
"The restavek culture is being exported from Haiti to other Caribbean countries. It is very much slavery and I think it's going to increase exponentially now."
-Aaron Cohen
I WOULD wager that few Bahamians lose sleep contemplating the tortures endured by an 11-year-old girl forced into the sex trade, or imagine themselves in the shoes of a young boy, barely a toddler, sold to strangers and forced to work tirelessly for his survival.
For most people, the ability to empathise with extreme suffering decreases in proportion to its distance from their normal experience, and most of us in the Bahamas are thankful these scenarios play themselves out elsewhere.
However according to one human rights pioneer, we are fooling ourselves - modern day slaves are being trafficked in this country right under our noses and the trade may be set to explode.
American activist Aaron Cohen is widely considered to be the world's foremost expert on modern-day slavery. He is credited with rescuing numerous young girls from enslavement as sex workers and many young men from child soldiering camps.
He travels the world to shed light on the reality that the trade in human beings is alive and well in virtually every modern society. He notes that with 27 million slaves worldwide and another million sold into slavery each year, there are more enslaved people now than at any time in human history.
When I spoke with Mr Cohen, he was leaving New York after giving a speech at the UN on the status of women. Later this month, he is off to Jamaica, Haiti and the Dominican Republic to talk about what he considers an issue of the utmost urgency - the fallout from the earthquake in Haiti, which was until recently a central hub for the trafficking of humans.
Mr Cohen told me he believes the disaster in Haiti has severely curtailed the ability of organised crime to use that country for the transshipment of domestic and sex slaves, and that other countries in the Caribbean, particularly Jamaica and the Bahamas, are prime candidates to take up the slack.
He said: "I think the effect of the disaster on slavery in the Caribbean is going to be this: number one, there is going to be more poverty in Haiti and therefore an exodus; that's already being witnessed statistically.
"Second, in the past, in human trafficking just like in drugs and arms trafficking, you have criminal organisations that use countries of origin, transit and destination to operate their illicit businesses. Haiti previously was both a destination country and a transit country. Girls coming out of the Dominican Republic were transited out of Haiti to Europe, to the Bahamas, to Jamaica, to the United States. What's going to happen now is, because of the increased scrutiny in Haiti because of the international presence, we're going to see this transit business spread to the nearby Caribbean."
As proof, Mr Cohen pointed to what happened after Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, a capital of organised crime, drug and human trafficking.
"When the disaster occurred, there was an 80 per cent increase in murders in Houston, Texas. There was the same increase in human trafficking, and now Houston is the hub of human trafficking in the United States. I would imagine that's what's going to happen to the Bahamas," he said.
Mr Cohen noted that the existing culture of illegal immigration from Haiti makes the Bahamas a particularly "soft target" and therefore an ideal replacement as a transit location for captive people.
"It is highly probable, if not statistically provable, that the Bahamas will have an increase in human trafficking from the disaster in Haiti," he said.
According to Mr Cohen, what makes modern-day slavery particularly insidious is the fact that it is largely invisible.
The transatlantic slave trade, while monstrous, was at least tangible and had limits, could be argued against and protested.
Now, slavery is a covert phenomenon, and those who take part in it - either by smuggling someone else's children or selling their own - may only do so once or twice in their lives out of financial necessity. It is governed by no rules or central authorities, respects no treaties or boundaries, and is immune to rational or moral entreaties.
"You can buy crystal vases in a store and they are very transparent, but paper cups aren't, and they're disposable," Mr Cohen said. "Slavery is like that -- it is no longer an item that stays in the family for a lifetime; it's a disposable commodity, so it's very hidden."
He noted two additional factors that obscure the signs of human trafficking in the Bahamas in particular. Firstly, the reluctance of law enforcement to aggressively tackle prostitution - which often relies on foreign women tricked or forced into the sex trade. The occasional raids aside, virtually every resident of Nassau can name at least one brothel operating without interference from the police.
The second factor is the introduction, through illegal immigration, of the Haitian "restavek" system.
Restavek - which means in Creole "one who stays with" - is a system whereby poor rural families send their children to stay with and work for urban families as domestic servants. They are usually between the ages of five and 14, as Haitian law requires workers 15 and older to be paid. Sometimes the children are sold, but sometimes no money changes hands.
Cultural standards are of course relative - as seen in the International Labour Organisation's condemnation of the use of packing boys in Bahamian supermarkets - and in Haiti, the system is seen as a normal facet of society.
But anti-slavery campaigners like Mr Cohen emphasise that the lack of regulation means these children are often subjected to severe abuse and exploitation. "I don't even like to use the term domestic servants," he said, "because it conjures up an image of some moral, legal employment model and that's not what we're talking about."
He added that the likelihood of physical and sexual abuse increases when the system is transplanted outside Haiti, particularly to countries like the Bahamas, where the immigrant population is subjected to discrimination and often treated as subhuman.
Jean-Robert Cadet, founder of the Restavek Foundation which works to raise awareness of this phenomenon, was once a restavek himself. He says that as a "domestic slave", he endured years of physical and emotional abuse, working seven days a week with no pay and no time for recreation or rest. According to his website, restavekfreedom.org, there are an estimated 300,000 restavek children in Haiti.
Mr Cohen is eager to investigate the extent of the problem here, but as a rule does not request government co-operation for his investigations, as authorities in many countries are themselves tied up in the trafficking of drugs, arms and people.
His organisation, Causecast, tries instead to work with non-governmental organisations and human rights activists to identify, interview and hopefully rescue victims of human trafficking, while gathering sufficient evidence to prosecute offenders. Unfortunately, he says, the modern slave trade is hidden in the Bahamas to such an extent that even local activists are unaware of it.
He said: "One of the reasons we chose not to come to the Bahamas is because although we know the restavek culture has spilled over to that country and the sex trafficking trail (leads there), I don't have an organisation there that I can partner with as far as infrastructure and support.
"I spoke to a number of activists who told me there is no slavery, and I sort of took a step back when I heard that. I thought, 'My goodness, even some of the activists who are interested in combating this problem think that there is no slavery'.
"But there is no way around the fact that slavery is the fastest growing illegal enterprise in the world. It has already passed arms sales to become the number two illicit business in the world, period.
"The fact that the restaveks are there would indicate to me that there is an enormous amount of exploitation going on in the Bahamas and the country is at risk of falling into the tentacles of organised crime in the Caribbean.
"When someone says there is no slavery, it's because they haven't educated themselves on the issue properly."
So, is Mr Cohen right? His views are certainly supported by the United States government.
The US State Department's 2009 Trafficking in Persons report states that "Haitian women, men, and children are trafficked into the Dominican Republic, the Bahamas, the United States, Europe, Canada, and Jamaica for exploitation in domestic service, agriculture, and construction. Trafficked Dominican women and girls are forced into prostitution."
The report further notes that the Bahamas is a destination country for "men and women trafficked from Haiti and other Caribbean countries primarily for the purpose of forced labour, and women from Jamaica and other countries trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation."
In 2008, parliament passed the Trafficking in Persons Prevention and Suppression Act which sets out penalties for offenders that range from three years to life imprisonment.
The State Department's report acknowledged this, but criticised the continuing tendency of law enforcement to conflate human trafficking with human smuggling - the transportation of persons engaging in illegal immigration voluntarily.
It also said the Bahamas failed to take steps to identify the casualties of the trade among vulnerable populations - such as foreign women and girls engaged in prostitution or women and girls intercepted while being smuggled in for this purpose - preferring to repatriate them as violators of immigration laws rather than offer them help as victims.
According to Mr Cohen, addressing this last point is vital. He said: "The average age of a woman who is prostituted is 11 years old. That makes them victims. They should not be treated as the criminals.
"The Bahamas needs to wake up and move towards the model the Scandinavians have created. Here's how it works: they have criminalised the demand, but they recognise that you cannot arrest a prostitute who is 14 and servicing a client who is 42 and then treat her like the criminal and let him go free. Yet that's happening even in the United States. The women, the victims, should be decriminalised and receive services and the Johns should face criminal prosecution."
He feels that treating such women merely as illegal immigrants - not to mention the children we send back to Haiti on a regular basis without inquiring about their identity or circumstances - amounts to punishing slaves for their condition of slavery and heaping further misery upon people who have already endured unimaginable suffering.
What do you think?
Email:
pnunez@tribunemedia.net
March 08, 2010
tribune242
"The restavek culture is being exported from Haiti to other Caribbean countries. It is very much slavery and I think it's going to increase exponentially now."
-Aaron Cohen
I WOULD wager that few Bahamians lose sleep contemplating the tortures endured by an 11-year-old girl forced into the sex trade, or imagine themselves in the shoes of a young boy, barely a toddler, sold to strangers and forced to work tirelessly for his survival.
For most people, the ability to empathise with extreme suffering decreases in proportion to its distance from their normal experience, and most of us in the Bahamas are thankful these scenarios play themselves out elsewhere.
However according to one human rights pioneer, we are fooling ourselves - modern day slaves are being trafficked in this country right under our noses and the trade may be set to explode.
American activist Aaron Cohen is widely considered to be the world's foremost expert on modern-day slavery. He is credited with rescuing numerous young girls from enslavement as sex workers and many young men from child soldiering camps.
He travels the world to shed light on the reality that the trade in human beings is alive and well in virtually every modern society. He notes that with 27 million slaves worldwide and another million sold into slavery each year, there are more enslaved people now than at any time in human history.
When I spoke with Mr Cohen, he was leaving New York after giving a speech at the UN on the status of women. Later this month, he is off to Jamaica, Haiti and the Dominican Republic to talk about what he considers an issue of the utmost urgency - the fallout from the earthquake in Haiti, which was until recently a central hub for the trafficking of humans.
Mr Cohen told me he believes the disaster in Haiti has severely curtailed the ability of organised crime to use that country for the transshipment of domestic and sex slaves, and that other countries in the Caribbean, particularly Jamaica and the Bahamas, are prime candidates to take up the slack.
He said: "I think the effect of the disaster on slavery in the Caribbean is going to be this: number one, there is going to be more poverty in Haiti and therefore an exodus; that's already being witnessed statistically.
"Second, in the past, in human trafficking just like in drugs and arms trafficking, you have criminal organisations that use countries of origin, transit and destination to operate their illicit businesses. Haiti previously was both a destination country and a transit country. Girls coming out of the Dominican Republic were transited out of Haiti to Europe, to the Bahamas, to Jamaica, to the United States. What's going to happen now is, because of the increased scrutiny in Haiti because of the international presence, we're going to see this transit business spread to the nearby Caribbean."
As proof, Mr Cohen pointed to what happened after Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, a capital of organised crime, drug and human trafficking.
"When the disaster occurred, there was an 80 per cent increase in murders in Houston, Texas. There was the same increase in human trafficking, and now Houston is the hub of human trafficking in the United States. I would imagine that's what's going to happen to the Bahamas," he said.
Mr Cohen noted that the existing culture of illegal immigration from Haiti makes the Bahamas a particularly "soft target" and therefore an ideal replacement as a transit location for captive people.
"It is highly probable, if not statistically provable, that the Bahamas will have an increase in human trafficking from the disaster in Haiti," he said.
According to Mr Cohen, what makes modern-day slavery particularly insidious is the fact that it is largely invisible.
The transatlantic slave trade, while monstrous, was at least tangible and had limits, could be argued against and protested.
Now, slavery is a covert phenomenon, and those who take part in it - either by smuggling someone else's children or selling their own - may only do so once or twice in their lives out of financial necessity. It is governed by no rules or central authorities, respects no treaties or boundaries, and is immune to rational or moral entreaties.
"You can buy crystal vases in a store and they are very transparent, but paper cups aren't, and they're disposable," Mr Cohen said. "Slavery is like that -- it is no longer an item that stays in the family for a lifetime; it's a disposable commodity, so it's very hidden."
He noted two additional factors that obscure the signs of human trafficking in the Bahamas in particular. Firstly, the reluctance of law enforcement to aggressively tackle prostitution - which often relies on foreign women tricked or forced into the sex trade. The occasional raids aside, virtually every resident of Nassau can name at least one brothel operating without interference from the police.
The second factor is the introduction, through illegal immigration, of the Haitian "restavek" system.
Restavek - which means in Creole "one who stays with" - is a system whereby poor rural families send their children to stay with and work for urban families as domestic servants. They are usually between the ages of five and 14, as Haitian law requires workers 15 and older to be paid. Sometimes the children are sold, but sometimes no money changes hands.
Cultural standards are of course relative - as seen in the International Labour Organisation's condemnation of the use of packing boys in Bahamian supermarkets - and in Haiti, the system is seen as a normal facet of society.
But anti-slavery campaigners like Mr Cohen emphasise that the lack of regulation means these children are often subjected to severe abuse and exploitation. "I don't even like to use the term domestic servants," he said, "because it conjures up an image of some moral, legal employment model and that's not what we're talking about."
He added that the likelihood of physical and sexual abuse increases when the system is transplanted outside Haiti, particularly to countries like the Bahamas, where the immigrant population is subjected to discrimination and often treated as subhuman.
Jean-Robert Cadet, founder of the Restavek Foundation which works to raise awareness of this phenomenon, was once a restavek himself. He says that as a "domestic slave", he endured years of physical and emotional abuse, working seven days a week with no pay and no time for recreation or rest. According to his website, restavekfreedom.org, there are an estimated 300,000 restavek children in Haiti.
Mr Cohen is eager to investigate the extent of the problem here, but as a rule does not request government co-operation for his investigations, as authorities in many countries are themselves tied up in the trafficking of drugs, arms and people.
His organisation, Causecast, tries instead to work with non-governmental organisations and human rights activists to identify, interview and hopefully rescue victims of human trafficking, while gathering sufficient evidence to prosecute offenders. Unfortunately, he says, the modern slave trade is hidden in the Bahamas to such an extent that even local activists are unaware of it.
He said: "One of the reasons we chose not to come to the Bahamas is because although we know the restavek culture has spilled over to that country and the sex trafficking trail (leads there), I don't have an organisation there that I can partner with as far as infrastructure and support.
"I spoke to a number of activists who told me there is no slavery, and I sort of took a step back when I heard that. I thought, 'My goodness, even some of the activists who are interested in combating this problem think that there is no slavery'.
"But there is no way around the fact that slavery is the fastest growing illegal enterprise in the world. It has already passed arms sales to become the number two illicit business in the world, period.
"The fact that the restaveks are there would indicate to me that there is an enormous amount of exploitation going on in the Bahamas and the country is at risk of falling into the tentacles of organised crime in the Caribbean.
"When someone says there is no slavery, it's because they haven't educated themselves on the issue properly."
So, is Mr Cohen right? His views are certainly supported by the United States government.
The US State Department's 2009 Trafficking in Persons report states that "Haitian women, men, and children are trafficked into the Dominican Republic, the Bahamas, the United States, Europe, Canada, and Jamaica for exploitation in domestic service, agriculture, and construction. Trafficked Dominican women and girls are forced into prostitution."
The report further notes that the Bahamas is a destination country for "men and women trafficked from Haiti and other Caribbean countries primarily for the purpose of forced labour, and women from Jamaica and other countries trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation."
In 2008, parliament passed the Trafficking in Persons Prevention and Suppression Act which sets out penalties for offenders that range from three years to life imprisonment.
The State Department's report acknowledged this, but criticised the continuing tendency of law enforcement to conflate human trafficking with human smuggling - the transportation of persons engaging in illegal immigration voluntarily.
It also said the Bahamas failed to take steps to identify the casualties of the trade among vulnerable populations - such as foreign women and girls engaged in prostitution or women and girls intercepted while being smuggled in for this purpose - preferring to repatriate them as violators of immigration laws rather than offer them help as victims.
According to Mr Cohen, addressing this last point is vital. He said: "The average age of a woman who is prostituted is 11 years old. That makes them victims. They should not be treated as the criminals.
"The Bahamas needs to wake up and move towards the model the Scandinavians have created. Here's how it works: they have criminalised the demand, but they recognise that you cannot arrest a prostitute who is 14 and servicing a client who is 42 and then treat her like the criminal and let him go free. Yet that's happening even in the United States. The women, the victims, should be decriminalised and receive services and the Johns should face criminal prosecution."
He feels that treating such women merely as illegal immigrants - not to mention the children we send back to Haiti on a regular basis without inquiring about their identity or circumstances - amounts to punishing slaves for their condition of slavery and heaping further misery upon people who have already endured unimaginable suffering.
What do you think?
Email:
pnunez@tribunemedia.net
March 08, 2010
tribune242
Tuesday, March 9, 2010
Hugo Chavez Frias: "We are not Anti-American, We are Anti-Imperialism"
By Cindy Sheehan:
My request to interview President Hugo Chavez Frias of Venezuela was finally granted on March 2nd while we were down in Montevideo, Uruguay with President Chavez for the inauguration of the new left-ish president and freedom fighter, Jose Mujica.
The reasons I went down to Venezuela with my team of two cameramen were two-fold.
First of all, I just got tired of all the misinformation that is spread in the US about President Chavez and the people’s Bolivarian Revolution. In only one example, the National Endowment for Democracy (another Orwellian named agency that receives federal money to supplant democracy) spends millions of dollars every year in Venezuela trying to destabilize Chavez’s democratically elected government.
The other reason we went to Venezuela was to be inspired and energized by the revolution and try to inspire and energize others in the states to rise up against the oppressive ruling class here and take power back into our own hands.
Empowerment of the poorest or least educated citizens of Venezuela is the goal of the Bolivarian Revolution. President Chavez said in the interview that “Power has five principles” and the first one is Education and he calls Venezuela a “big school.” Indeed since the revolution began 11 years ago, literacy rate has risen significantly to where now 99% of the population is now literate.
People Power is another principle of power and we witnessed this in a very dramatic fashion in the barrio of San Agustin in Caracas. San Agustin was a shantytown built on the sides of some very steep and tall hills—the only way the citizens could get to and from their homes was to climb up and down some very steep and treacherous stairs. Well, two years ago, the neighborhood formed a committee and proposed that the government build a tram through the hills and on January 20th, the dreams of the citizens of San Agustin became a reality and the Metro Cable was christened. Not only did the residents get a new tram, but many of the shacks were torn down and new apartments were built. Residents had priority for low, or no, interest loans to buy the apartments.
Even though I am very afraid of heights, I rode the Metro Cable to the top of the hill and we were awarded with amazing views of Caracas and the distant mountains. All the red, gleaming tramcars are given names of places in Venezuela or revolutionary slogans. But our “treat” was still ahead of us when we made our way down the side of the hill by those steep and treacherous stairs. In combination with the stairs and the heat, by the time we were at the bottom, my legs were shaking like Jello and my heart was thumping. I could not even imagine walking up those stairs! Young children, pregnant women, pregnant women with young children, old people, etc, had to go up and down the stairs to get to an from their homes! With the installation of the tram, the lives of the people of San Agustin were improved immeasurably and it is all due to the education and sense of empowerment that comes from organizing and ultimate victory.
The Metro Cable serves about 12,000 people per day at a cost of ten cents per round trip ticket—and all of the employees come from the barrio.
After the trip up the hill and steep climb down, we met with the community organizers after a traditional Venezuelan lunch of beans, rice, fried plantains and a little bit of meat for the meat eaters. Note: the “traditional” Venezuelan lunch is identical to the traditional Venezuelan breakfast and is very yummy.
About 98% of the organizers were women who spoke very articulately and passionately about how their lives have improved since Chavez arose to power from the people’s revolution and how they would defend Chavez and the revolution with their very lives.
Knowledge is power and perhaps that’s why before the Revolution, only primary school was free and fees were charged for secondary education. Now in Venezuela, school is free all the way through doctoral studies. We see how the ruling class in our own country is gutting education and are tying to make it as difficult as possible to get a University education. A smart and thinking public is a dangerous public.
There is so much to write about our trip and about the Bolivarian Revolution that this will have to be a series of articles by necessity. We learned so much!
Also, my complete interview with President Chavez will be available soon in audio and video and then a full-length documentary entitled:TODOS SOMOS AMERICANOS (We are all Americans) will hopefully be available and premiere by June 1st.
There is a very touching scene at the end of my interview with President Chavez when President Evo Morales of Bolivia comes in the room. President Morales was also in Montevideo for Mujica’s inauguration.
I asked both the presidents if they had any words of inspiration for the people of the US. They both emphasized the need for grassroots unity, but they especially wanted to stress their affection for the people of the US.
With President Morales standing by his side and nodding vigorously, President Chavez said: “We are NOT anti-American, we ARE anti-Imperialism.”
Yo tambien, mis hermanos.
March 8th 2010
venezuelanalysis
My request to interview President Hugo Chavez Frias of Venezuela was finally granted on March 2nd while we were down in Montevideo, Uruguay with President Chavez for the inauguration of the new left-ish president and freedom fighter, Jose Mujica.
The reasons I went down to Venezuela with my team of two cameramen were two-fold.
First of all, I just got tired of all the misinformation that is spread in the US about President Chavez and the people’s Bolivarian Revolution. In only one example, the National Endowment for Democracy (another Orwellian named agency that receives federal money to supplant democracy) spends millions of dollars every year in Venezuela trying to destabilize Chavez’s democratically elected government.
The other reason we went to Venezuela was to be inspired and energized by the revolution and try to inspire and energize others in the states to rise up against the oppressive ruling class here and take power back into our own hands.
Empowerment of the poorest or least educated citizens of Venezuela is the goal of the Bolivarian Revolution. President Chavez said in the interview that “Power has five principles” and the first one is Education and he calls Venezuela a “big school.” Indeed since the revolution began 11 years ago, literacy rate has risen significantly to where now 99% of the population is now literate.
People Power is another principle of power and we witnessed this in a very dramatic fashion in the barrio of San Agustin in Caracas. San Agustin was a shantytown built on the sides of some very steep and tall hills—the only way the citizens could get to and from their homes was to climb up and down some very steep and treacherous stairs. Well, two years ago, the neighborhood formed a committee and proposed that the government build a tram through the hills and on January 20th, the dreams of the citizens of San Agustin became a reality and the Metro Cable was christened. Not only did the residents get a new tram, but many of the shacks were torn down and new apartments were built. Residents had priority for low, or no, interest loans to buy the apartments.
Even though I am very afraid of heights, I rode the Metro Cable to the top of the hill and we were awarded with amazing views of Caracas and the distant mountains. All the red, gleaming tramcars are given names of places in Venezuela or revolutionary slogans. But our “treat” was still ahead of us when we made our way down the side of the hill by those steep and treacherous stairs. In combination with the stairs and the heat, by the time we were at the bottom, my legs were shaking like Jello and my heart was thumping. I could not even imagine walking up those stairs! Young children, pregnant women, pregnant women with young children, old people, etc, had to go up and down the stairs to get to an from their homes! With the installation of the tram, the lives of the people of San Agustin were improved immeasurably and it is all due to the education and sense of empowerment that comes from organizing and ultimate victory.
The Metro Cable serves about 12,000 people per day at a cost of ten cents per round trip ticket—and all of the employees come from the barrio.
After the trip up the hill and steep climb down, we met with the community organizers after a traditional Venezuelan lunch of beans, rice, fried plantains and a little bit of meat for the meat eaters. Note: the “traditional” Venezuelan lunch is identical to the traditional Venezuelan breakfast and is very yummy.
About 98% of the organizers were women who spoke very articulately and passionately about how their lives have improved since Chavez arose to power from the people’s revolution and how they would defend Chavez and the revolution with their very lives.
Knowledge is power and perhaps that’s why before the Revolution, only primary school was free and fees were charged for secondary education. Now in Venezuela, school is free all the way through doctoral studies. We see how the ruling class in our own country is gutting education and are tying to make it as difficult as possible to get a University education. A smart and thinking public is a dangerous public.
There is so much to write about our trip and about the Bolivarian Revolution that this will have to be a series of articles by necessity. We learned so much!
Also, my complete interview with President Chavez will be available soon in audio and video and then a full-length documentary entitled:TODOS SOMOS AMERICANOS (We are all Americans) will hopefully be available and premiere by June 1st.
There is a very touching scene at the end of my interview with President Chavez when President Evo Morales of Bolivia comes in the room. President Morales was also in Montevideo for Mujica’s inauguration.
I asked both the presidents if they had any words of inspiration for the people of the US. They both emphasized the need for grassroots unity, but they especially wanted to stress their affection for the people of the US.
With President Morales standing by his side and nodding vigorously, President Chavez said: “We are NOT anti-American, we ARE anti-Imperialism.”
Yo tambien, mis hermanos.
March 8th 2010
venezuelanalysis
Monday, March 8, 2010
Bahamas: Nurse shortage could hamper nation's development
By Krystel Rolle ~ Guardian Staff Reporter ~ krystel@nasguard.com:
A severe shortage of nurses could cripple the nation's development, according to a World Bank report, which named The Bahamas among a group of Caribbean countries that suffers from the deficiency.
The report, which was released last week, noted that nursing shortages across the English-speaking Caribbean limit access to and the quality of health services and affect the region's competitiveness.
The report revealed, "According to (the study) 'The Nurse Labor and Education Markets in the English-speaking CARICOM - Issues and Options for Reform,' the region is facing a rapidly growing shortage of nurses as demand for quality health care increases due to an aging population, and high numbers of nurses emigrate, drawn by higher paying jobs in Canada, the UK and the USA."
Pointing to the severity of The Bahamas' shortage on Thursday, Minister of Health Dr. Hubert Minnis said The Bahamas has 26 nurses to every 10,000 people, while countries like the United States have 100 nurses per 10,000 people.
"And they are short," Dr. Minnis said, referring to the United States.
"The World Bank estimates that there are 7,800 nurses working in the English-speaking Caribbean (CARICOM), or 1.25 nurses per 1,000 people, roughly one-tenth the concentration in some OECD countries. In addition, demand for nurses exceeds their supply throughout the region: 3,300 or 30 percent of all positions in the sector were vacant at the time of the study."
The World Bank said such shortages can hinder the Caribbean.
"These shortages have tangible impacts that may compromise the ability of English-speaking CARICOM countries to meet their key health care service needs, especially in the areas of disease prevention and care. In addition, the shortage of highly-trained nurses reduces the capacity of countries to offer quality health care at a time when Caribbean countries aim to attract businesses and retirees as an important pillar of growth."
The World Bank said in the coming years, demand for nurses in the English-speaking Caribbean will increase due to the health needs of the aging population.
"Under current education and labor market conditions, however, supply will slightly decrease. The World Bank expects that unmet demand for nurses will more than triple during the next 15 years — from 3,300 nurses in 2006 to 10,700 nurses in 2025."
A study undertaken by an international research group and recently highlighted by Health Minister Dr. Minnis has determined that The Bahamas has an aging population.
An aging population is usually characterized by an increase in a population's mean and median ages, a decline in the proportion comprised of children and young adults, and a rise in the proportion that is elderly.
Minnis said over the next 20 years the number of young persons in the population will diminish.
"We will find that the numbers of individuals between the ages of zero to 20 will decrease, whereas the number of individuals between the ages of 45-65 and older will increase," Dr. Minnis said last week.
Meantime, the World Bank said data suggests that the number of English-speaking CARICOM trained nurses working in Canada, the UK and the US is about 21,500, which is about three times higher than the workforce in the English-speaking CARICOM.
"The new World Bank report also points to high demand for nurse education but low completion rates (55 percent) as a challenge and an opportunity in tackling nurse shortages," the report said. "Having more nurse tutors available, maximizing completion rates and accepting more students into programs would significantly bolster the number of new nurses entering the health system."
To meet the demand for nurses in the English-speaking Caribbean, the report suggests Caribbean countries increase training capacity; manage migration; strengthen data quality and availability; and adopt a regional approach.
"Given the size and the linkages of local nurse labor markets, no country in the region is in a position to efficiently tackle the challenges ahead on its own," the report said. "Therefore, countries should ideally join forces and adopt a regional approach to increasing training capacity, managing migration and strengthening the evidence-base, if possible, with technical and financial support from countries where a large part of their nurse workforce will tend to migrate to Canada, the UK and the US."
Dr. Minnis said The Ministry of Health is already working to alleviate the problem. According to him there are currently 127 high school students participating in his ministry's nursing program. He added that the ministry is looking to launch a program for junior high school students.
He said the government has provided 53 scholarships for students studying nursing. Additionally, he said there are 155 nursing students in The College of The Bahamas.
The English-speaking Caribbean includes Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago.
March 08, 2010
thenassauguardian
A severe shortage of nurses could cripple the nation's development, according to a World Bank report, which named The Bahamas among a group of Caribbean countries that suffers from the deficiency.
The report, which was released last week, noted that nursing shortages across the English-speaking Caribbean limit access to and the quality of health services and affect the region's competitiveness.
The report revealed, "According to (the study) 'The Nurse Labor and Education Markets in the English-speaking CARICOM - Issues and Options for Reform,' the region is facing a rapidly growing shortage of nurses as demand for quality health care increases due to an aging population, and high numbers of nurses emigrate, drawn by higher paying jobs in Canada, the UK and the USA."
Pointing to the severity of The Bahamas' shortage on Thursday, Minister of Health Dr. Hubert Minnis said The Bahamas has 26 nurses to every 10,000 people, while countries like the United States have 100 nurses per 10,000 people.
"And they are short," Dr. Minnis said, referring to the United States.
"The World Bank estimates that there are 7,800 nurses working in the English-speaking Caribbean (CARICOM), or 1.25 nurses per 1,000 people, roughly one-tenth the concentration in some OECD countries. In addition, demand for nurses exceeds their supply throughout the region: 3,300 or 30 percent of all positions in the sector were vacant at the time of the study."
The World Bank said such shortages can hinder the Caribbean.
"These shortages have tangible impacts that may compromise the ability of English-speaking CARICOM countries to meet their key health care service needs, especially in the areas of disease prevention and care. In addition, the shortage of highly-trained nurses reduces the capacity of countries to offer quality health care at a time when Caribbean countries aim to attract businesses and retirees as an important pillar of growth."
The World Bank said in the coming years, demand for nurses in the English-speaking Caribbean will increase due to the health needs of the aging population.
"Under current education and labor market conditions, however, supply will slightly decrease. The World Bank expects that unmet demand for nurses will more than triple during the next 15 years — from 3,300 nurses in 2006 to 10,700 nurses in 2025."
A study undertaken by an international research group and recently highlighted by Health Minister Dr. Minnis has determined that The Bahamas has an aging population.
An aging population is usually characterized by an increase in a population's mean and median ages, a decline in the proportion comprised of children and young adults, and a rise in the proportion that is elderly.
Minnis said over the next 20 years the number of young persons in the population will diminish.
"We will find that the numbers of individuals between the ages of zero to 20 will decrease, whereas the number of individuals between the ages of 45-65 and older will increase," Dr. Minnis said last week.
Meantime, the World Bank said data suggests that the number of English-speaking CARICOM trained nurses working in Canada, the UK and the US is about 21,500, which is about three times higher than the workforce in the English-speaking CARICOM.
"The new World Bank report also points to high demand for nurse education but low completion rates (55 percent) as a challenge and an opportunity in tackling nurse shortages," the report said. "Having more nurse tutors available, maximizing completion rates and accepting more students into programs would significantly bolster the number of new nurses entering the health system."
To meet the demand for nurses in the English-speaking Caribbean, the report suggests Caribbean countries increase training capacity; manage migration; strengthen data quality and availability; and adopt a regional approach.
"Given the size and the linkages of local nurse labor markets, no country in the region is in a position to efficiently tackle the challenges ahead on its own," the report said. "Therefore, countries should ideally join forces and adopt a regional approach to increasing training capacity, managing migration and strengthening the evidence-base, if possible, with technical and financial support from countries where a large part of their nurse workforce will tend to migrate to Canada, the UK and the US."
Dr. Minnis said The Ministry of Health is already working to alleviate the problem. According to him there are currently 127 high school students participating in his ministry's nursing program. He added that the ministry is looking to launch a program for junior high school students.
He said the government has provided 53 scholarships for students studying nursing. Additionally, he said there are 155 nursing students in The College of The Bahamas.
The English-speaking Caribbean includes Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago.
March 08, 2010
thenassauguardian
Sunday, March 7, 2010
Jamaica: Aftermath of the Dudus extradition
Mark Wignall
A week or so after the extradition, downtown Kingston, effectively void of its 'protector', has become one vast no-man's land. The outburst of violence began at the moment his extradition was announced.
Police personnel in full battle gear and soldiers from the JDF are out in their numbers, day and night, but for all the good that their presence has done to ensure a full or even partial return of commercial activity, they could have instead remained at their homes or at their assigned stations.
The spate of shootings in two weeks has left 20 dead, comprising three members of the security forces, eight vendors, three shoppers, one storeowner and five young men described by the CCN as "gunmen who had brazenly opened fire on the security forces using high-powered automatic weaponry".
The 20 dead are, however, just those confined to the immediate environs of downtown Kingston. From Flanker in St James all the way to Yallahs in the east, the violent flare-ups have been very unpredictable, but the biggest problem facing the security forces is the seeming ability of the roving bands of gunmen to strike and then blend seamlessly into the various communities. So far the death toll related to these sporadic outbursts of violence outside of the Kingston Metropolitan Area (KMA) has been 15, including two additional members of the security forces, eight members of the public and five gunmen.
Two days ago, a statement made by the prime minister explaining his reasons for accepting the resignation of Security Minister Dwight Nelson, by my own gleanings at street level, has been received by the public with much scepticism. "Nelson neva did a gwaan good anyway. But fi fire di man now is only trying to mek it look like seh him a du sup'm. Dat cyaan fool wi. A him fi resign."
In his statement, the prime minister made it clear that the security forces would have the matter under control "in a matter of days". When pressed by Cliff Hughes to give the nation an indication as to when a new security minister would be appointed, a visibly peeved Golding stared down Hughes and shot back, "The priority now is stemming the tide of violence that has gripped this nation for the last two weeks. That has to be the nation's priority! Next question."
Over the last two days, most businessplaces in the KMA, Spanish Town, May Pen, and to a lesser extent in key sections on the outskirts of the second city, have remained closed as fear becomes the only commodity in the marketplace. Three days ago when I drove along sections of Red Hills Road, lower Constant Spring Road, Hope Road and upper Maxfield Avenue, I saw little activity except vehicles carrying soldiers and police. Thoroughfares such as Grants Pen Road, Waltham Park Road, Olympic Way and Spanish Town Road are not places I would advise readers of this column to pass through.
The sense I had was that the security forces were confounded by the sporadic outburst of gunfire. With a dusk-to-dawn curfew in most parish capitals, some main towns and key sections of both cities, the country seems ready to roll over and go to bed for a long spell.
As it appears, there is some evidence that gunmen with notional attachments to the PNP have been teaming up with those in the forefront; various spokespersons in the PNP have been calling for an islandwide state of emergency. Meanwhile, the information minister has dismissed the idea that the prime minister has formally requested the Americans to send in the Marines.
What happens if Dudus stays
OK, before you start to conclude that I am a purveyor of fear and that I am selling it in support of the JLP administration's refusal to sign the extradition order for Mr Christopher 'Dudus' Coke, boss of all bosses in West Kingston, let me simply state that I was merely attempting to give you my best version of likely happenings based on how the grand game of politics, in the last 50 years, has meshed with the street elements in order to ensure that the JLP and PNP tribes can remain in their parasitic relationship with the people of this country.
A well-known, highly successful businessman who is a friend, wrote recently, "What if I said that the feeling I get, outside of the partisan biases, is that the greatest fear among the citizenry has to do with a feeling that Dudus brings a sense of stability and that this would change to anarchy were he removed... A fear of the perceived awesome firepower in the hands of men incapable of reason and seeking only individual power, in the many islandwide communities that are under the sphere of influence of Tivoli -- The Mother of all Garrisons, according to former Commissioner Hardley Lewin -- bearing in mind the alleged superior firepower and the many in the police force who were schooled and placed there deliberately by dons."
The PNP when it was in power never failed to provoke Tivoli Gardens into violent outbursts when it suited them to do so. I am not saying that the gunmen in Tivoli Gardens were armed by the politicians because I have no evidence of this. Indeed, at this juncture of our sordid history where politicians have been neutered and the street elements attached to them no longer call them boss, the typical gunman in an inner-city community would probably balk at the idea that a politician gave him a gun.
Created by Eddie Seaga, Tivoli Gardens and the wider West Kingston constituency became the template for the PNP's response to fighting fire with fire. As the PNP's South St Andrew constituency became the first line of defence in hitting back at armed young men from Tivoli in the 1970s, the JLP ensured that Rema was well placed as a stub extending from its border with Denham Town a few blocks into South St Andrew.
Rema gunmen were the front-line warriors, ostensibly keeping the PNP horde from raiding further south and pushing Tivoli into the sea. When Rema behaved badly, its gunmen were always seen to be expendable. Just ask those old enough to recount the massacre carried out by Tivoli on Rema in 1984.
My friend added, for contextual support that, "This may very well be the opportunity to clean slate... but for this to be successful... superior, disciplined and coordinated intelligence and force would have to be applied from day one of any such initiative. The old truism 'one can't be half pregnant' is appropriate here."
He then asks a question which focuses on the ability of the state to summon the will to rescue its soul.
"Is Jamaica capable of this, when the target is a friend of those who must summon the political will, mobilise and coordinate this intelligence and force - having ostracised the most likely source of needed assistance? Some things are more easily said than done, and never lose sight of the fact that in Jamaica, the hierarchy is: Self, Party, then Country. This statesman thing is a mere chapter of our history not likely to be repeated."
Question: Who is the 'most likely source of the needed assistance'? No points for a correct answer.
From day one I had suggested that based on how the US extradition request had described the activities of Dudus, automatically his closest political allies would become his most feared enemies. But based on the information coming out of the JLP government, the US authorities must now go back and find some other grounds on which to make a new request.
Is the JLP government saying to the US government that it (the US) has breached that treaty? Let us appreciate that the JLP Cabinet has many members who are quick to give 'respect' to Dudus, therefore, as we know 'fear' follows 'respect'.
To say to the US authorities, "Hell no, he won't go" is to accept that if Mr Coke is as bad and influential as they say he is, then we in Jamaica ought to have known about it and done something about it. Essentially the Americans are saying, "Jamaica, you are incapable of running a viable country. You have accepted our money, our kindness. Now shut the @!/! up and abide by our treaty."
The power of the Americans to cripple our tourist industry by issuing travel advisories is probably the worst action that could be taken, but seeing that we will need every cent of tourism earnings in order to pay back the IMF, it is my view that the Americans will not be doing this any time soon.
If the Americans suspect that the Dudus they have investigated has surrogates with American visas, revoking those visas could be a start. Don't get me wrong, I am not in any way linking the revoking of Wayne Chen's visa with the Dudus extradition request.
The fact is, if Jamaica fails to exercise what most Jamaicans see as the sensible option, the US authorities can bring into play many surreptitious options that only a CIA operative could conjure up.
It is my personal belief that any decision to extradite Dudus lies squarely in Tivoli Gardens. But it could be that the Government is playing two hands in the one game.
On one hand, it opens up publicly and defends the 'sovereign rights of our citizens' and earns the wrath of the citizenry. On the other hand, the possibility is that it could be holding covert meetings with the US authorities simply because it knows that whatever the US wants, the US gets.
One online commentator summed it up as follows, "The only party that holds any cards, aside from Dudus, is the USA. Bruce Golding is simply a noisy spectator. This situation has made it clear that the coup d'état took place many years ago. Dudus is the King of Jamaica!"
March 07, 2010
jamaicaobserver
A week or so after the extradition, downtown Kingston, effectively void of its 'protector', has become one vast no-man's land. The outburst of violence began at the moment his extradition was announced.
Police personnel in full battle gear and soldiers from the JDF are out in their numbers, day and night, but for all the good that their presence has done to ensure a full or even partial return of commercial activity, they could have instead remained at their homes or at their assigned stations.
The spate of shootings in two weeks has left 20 dead, comprising three members of the security forces, eight vendors, three shoppers, one storeowner and five young men described by the CCN as "gunmen who had brazenly opened fire on the security forces using high-powered automatic weaponry".
The 20 dead are, however, just those confined to the immediate environs of downtown Kingston. From Flanker in St James all the way to Yallahs in the east, the violent flare-ups have been very unpredictable, but the biggest problem facing the security forces is the seeming ability of the roving bands of gunmen to strike and then blend seamlessly into the various communities. So far the death toll related to these sporadic outbursts of violence outside of the Kingston Metropolitan Area (KMA) has been 15, including two additional members of the security forces, eight members of the public and five gunmen.
Two days ago, a statement made by the prime minister explaining his reasons for accepting the resignation of Security Minister Dwight Nelson, by my own gleanings at street level, has been received by the public with much scepticism. "Nelson neva did a gwaan good anyway. But fi fire di man now is only trying to mek it look like seh him a du sup'm. Dat cyaan fool wi. A him fi resign."
In his statement, the prime minister made it clear that the security forces would have the matter under control "in a matter of days". When pressed by Cliff Hughes to give the nation an indication as to when a new security minister would be appointed, a visibly peeved Golding stared down Hughes and shot back, "The priority now is stemming the tide of violence that has gripped this nation for the last two weeks. That has to be the nation's priority! Next question."
Over the last two days, most businessplaces in the KMA, Spanish Town, May Pen, and to a lesser extent in key sections on the outskirts of the second city, have remained closed as fear becomes the only commodity in the marketplace. Three days ago when I drove along sections of Red Hills Road, lower Constant Spring Road, Hope Road and upper Maxfield Avenue, I saw little activity except vehicles carrying soldiers and police. Thoroughfares such as Grants Pen Road, Waltham Park Road, Olympic Way and Spanish Town Road are not places I would advise readers of this column to pass through.
The sense I had was that the security forces were confounded by the sporadic outburst of gunfire. With a dusk-to-dawn curfew in most parish capitals, some main towns and key sections of both cities, the country seems ready to roll over and go to bed for a long spell.
As it appears, there is some evidence that gunmen with notional attachments to the PNP have been teaming up with those in the forefront; various spokespersons in the PNP have been calling for an islandwide state of emergency. Meanwhile, the information minister has dismissed the idea that the prime minister has formally requested the Americans to send in the Marines.
What happens if Dudus stays
OK, before you start to conclude that I am a purveyor of fear and that I am selling it in support of the JLP administration's refusal to sign the extradition order for Mr Christopher 'Dudus' Coke, boss of all bosses in West Kingston, let me simply state that I was merely attempting to give you my best version of likely happenings based on how the grand game of politics, in the last 50 years, has meshed with the street elements in order to ensure that the JLP and PNP tribes can remain in their parasitic relationship with the people of this country.
A well-known, highly successful businessman who is a friend, wrote recently, "What if I said that the feeling I get, outside of the partisan biases, is that the greatest fear among the citizenry has to do with a feeling that Dudus brings a sense of stability and that this would change to anarchy were he removed... A fear of the perceived awesome firepower in the hands of men incapable of reason and seeking only individual power, in the many islandwide communities that are under the sphere of influence of Tivoli -- The Mother of all Garrisons, according to former Commissioner Hardley Lewin -- bearing in mind the alleged superior firepower and the many in the police force who were schooled and placed there deliberately by dons."
The PNP when it was in power never failed to provoke Tivoli Gardens into violent outbursts when it suited them to do so. I am not saying that the gunmen in Tivoli Gardens were armed by the politicians because I have no evidence of this. Indeed, at this juncture of our sordid history where politicians have been neutered and the street elements attached to them no longer call them boss, the typical gunman in an inner-city community would probably balk at the idea that a politician gave him a gun.
Created by Eddie Seaga, Tivoli Gardens and the wider West Kingston constituency became the template for the PNP's response to fighting fire with fire. As the PNP's South St Andrew constituency became the first line of defence in hitting back at armed young men from Tivoli in the 1970s, the JLP ensured that Rema was well placed as a stub extending from its border with Denham Town a few blocks into South St Andrew.
Rema gunmen were the front-line warriors, ostensibly keeping the PNP horde from raiding further south and pushing Tivoli into the sea. When Rema behaved badly, its gunmen were always seen to be expendable. Just ask those old enough to recount the massacre carried out by Tivoli on Rema in 1984.
My friend added, for contextual support that, "This may very well be the opportunity to clean slate... but for this to be successful... superior, disciplined and coordinated intelligence and force would have to be applied from day one of any such initiative. The old truism 'one can't be half pregnant' is appropriate here."
He then asks a question which focuses on the ability of the state to summon the will to rescue its soul.
"Is Jamaica capable of this, when the target is a friend of those who must summon the political will, mobilise and coordinate this intelligence and force - having ostracised the most likely source of needed assistance? Some things are more easily said than done, and never lose sight of the fact that in Jamaica, the hierarchy is: Self, Party, then Country. This statesman thing is a mere chapter of our history not likely to be repeated."
Question: Who is the 'most likely source of the needed assistance'? No points for a correct answer.
From day one I had suggested that based on how the US extradition request had described the activities of Dudus, automatically his closest political allies would become his most feared enemies. But based on the information coming out of the JLP government, the US authorities must now go back and find some other grounds on which to make a new request.
Is the JLP government saying to the US government that it (the US) has breached that treaty? Let us appreciate that the JLP Cabinet has many members who are quick to give 'respect' to Dudus, therefore, as we know 'fear' follows 'respect'.
To say to the US authorities, "Hell no, he won't go" is to accept that if Mr Coke is as bad and influential as they say he is, then we in Jamaica ought to have known about it and done something about it. Essentially the Americans are saying, "Jamaica, you are incapable of running a viable country. You have accepted our money, our kindness. Now shut the @!/! up and abide by our treaty."
The power of the Americans to cripple our tourist industry by issuing travel advisories is probably the worst action that could be taken, but seeing that we will need every cent of tourism earnings in order to pay back the IMF, it is my view that the Americans will not be doing this any time soon.
If the Americans suspect that the Dudus they have investigated has surrogates with American visas, revoking those visas could be a start. Don't get me wrong, I am not in any way linking the revoking of Wayne Chen's visa with the Dudus extradition request.
The fact is, if Jamaica fails to exercise what most Jamaicans see as the sensible option, the US authorities can bring into play many surreptitious options that only a CIA operative could conjure up.
It is my personal belief that any decision to extradite Dudus lies squarely in Tivoli Gardens. But it could be that the Government is playing two hands in the one game.
On one hand, it opens up publicly and defends the 'sovereign rights of our citizens' and earns the wrath of the citizenry. On the other hand, the possibility is that it could be holding covert meetings with the US authorities simply because it knows that whatever the US wants, the US gets.
One online commentator summed it up as follows, "The only party that holds any cards, aside from Dudus, is the USA. Bruce Golding is simply a noisy spectator. This situation has made it clear that the coup d'état took place many years ago. Dudus is the King of Jamaica!"
March 07, 2010
jamaicaobserver
Cases of 'bullying' US politics
Analysis by Rickey Singh
IT would be a pity if the rest of our Caribbean Community governments do not see it necessary to acquaint themselves with the circumstances of the current sharp dispute between Jamaica and the United States over Washington's demand for the extradition of Jamaican Christopher 'Dudus' Coke.
Given the commitment to the rule of law in our Caribbean civilisation, it is good to have an independent judicial system as final arbiter in the current dispute over the extradition of a Jamaican wanted by American authorities for alleged narco-trafficking and related crimes.
In a sense, the explosion of the bitter extradition row resulting from Jamaica's refusal to extradite Coke is a classic case of déjà vu in terms of relations between Washington and Kingston under different administrations.
As it was under previous governments of the now Opposition People's National Party (PNP), and the administrations of both presidents Bill Clinton and George W Bush, Jamaica remains a favourite "punching bag" in America's diversion to cover up its own woeful failures to effectively deal with its immense problem as the world's biggest consumer of illegal drugs as well as its involvement in gun-running linked to narco-trafficking.
This observation should not be misconstrued as support for Coke, or any other Jamaican or Caricom national whose alleged criminal activities can threaten national security as well as undermine good bilateral relations with the USA and other traditional external allies.
The 'Coke extradition case' reminds us of other instances of the USA wielding the 'big stick' to force small and poor states in this and other regions to genuflect to the assumed legal demands of Washington.
'Silver Dollar' and 'Shiprider'
A typical example of the USA's 'big stick' approach would be the threatened financial sanctions against Jamaica by the then Bill Clinton administration over a then PNP government, led by PJ Patterson, amid a raging bitter dispute involving alleged violations under of a then prevailing Maritime Counter-Narcotics Co-operation Agreement (the 1996 case of the fishing boat Silver Dollar).
A shining example of Caricom solidarity was demonstrated at an extraordinary summit in Barbados hosted by then Prime Minister Owen Arthur.
It was to frustrate Washington, which had threatened sanctions with the emergence of major changes to controversial provisions in the "Maritime Counter-Narcotics (Shiprider) Agreement" which, for its part, Trinidad and Tobago had earlier hastily signed in its original format.
Jamaica's signing with the USA of the revised protocol to the 1997 'Shiprider' pact had ended a chilling episode of political tension, and new cordial relations were flowering in Kingston (then under PNP rule) and other Caricom capitals with the USA when President Clinton showed up in Barbados in May 1997 for the historic summit that resulted in a far-reaching "Partnership for Sovereignty and Security".
Subsequently, however, under the administration of President George W Bush, there was to be another example of bullying tactics by a Washington administration against small and vulnerable economies.
In this case it was related to Caribbean countries that signed and ratified the Rome Treaty of the International Criminal Court (ICC), to concur with a demand from Washington to exonerate from extradition US citizens wanted by the ICC for specific crimes.
Failure to agree, they were made to understand, would mean losing whatever military assistance they normally received from dear "Uncle Sam".
Such is Washington's concept of "democracy" and "sovereignty' when dealing with small and poor states like ours in the Caribbean -- something for which it is occasionally applauded by sections of the region's media.
Among the countries that had both signed and ratified the Rome Treaty were Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, and St Vincent and the Grenadines. Antigua and Barbuda genuflected; Barbados and St Vincent and the Grenadines refused.
Jamaica, Guyana and St Lucia had signed but not ratified the treaty and, consequently, there was no need to pressure them into concurring with Washington's demand. These are just two examples of Uncle Sam's arrogance to push small and poor states into a corner.
Golding's Stand
In the current political episode involving Coke, Prime Minister Golding has made it clear that it is NOT a case of his Government's refusal to co-operate with Washington.
Jamaica's objection relates to the manner in which the USA was muscling its way to secure Coke's extradition, even to the extent of obtaining information illegally by violating key provisions of the Extradition Treaty between the two countries.
According to an irate Golding, who has vowed to pay, if necessary, "the political price" for his handling of the extradition request of August 25 last year, the evidence submitted is based on a violation of Jamaica's Interception of Communications Act.
He went on to state that "constitutional rights do not begin at Liguanea" (location of the United States Embassy in Kingston).
Given the nature of competitive party politics for state power, the Opposition PNP may have its own reason for an earlier press statement that accused the Golding administration of not "expeditiously" responding to the US request for the extradition of Coke.
Yet the PNP can hardly forget its own very unpleasant experiences while in government in dealing with differences with Washington on matters of narco-trafficking.
An example would be the impasse over the so-called Silver Dollar Affair that had led then Foreign Minister Seymour Mullings to accuse Washington of breaching Jamaica's sovereignty.
Cubana Tragedy
The Caribbean Community would be quite aware of Washington's unflattering record in honouring requests for the extradition of those in the USA wanted for outrageous criminal acts in other nations.
Foremost in the minds of Caribbean people would be two Cuban émigrés currently being sheltered in the USA from prosecution for their involvement in the 1976 bombing of the Cubana aircraft off Barbados in which all 73 people on board perished.
One of the terrorists in that Cubana tragedy, Orlando Bosch, a medical doctor, was given a presidential pardon by the senior George Bush, following his illegal entry into the USA after fleeing Venezuela, from where his partner in crime, Luis Posada Carriles, was to later escape. Carriles, after a 'protected' stay in Panama, also illegally entered the USA.
Washington continues to ignore Caricom's request for him to face a court trial for the biggest ever act of terrorism in a Caribbean jurisdiction.
March 07, 2010
jamaicaobserver
IT would be a pity if the rest of our Caribbean Community governments do not see it necessary to acquaint themselves with the circumstances of the current sharp dispute between Jamaica and the United States over Washington's demand for the extradition of Jamaican Christopher 'Dudus' Coke.
Prime Minister Bruce Golding should consider briefing his Caricom counterparts, if he has not already done so, as well as have a candid discussion with the parliamentary Opposition.
For what is at stake seems to be much more than the individual human rights of Coke, regardless of the fact that he is the strongman in the Tivoli Gardens community -- a known political stronghold of the prime minister's governing Jamaica Labour Party.
The very sovereignty of Jamaica seems to be at stake in its Government's defence of its constitutional right, within the framework of an existing bilateral extradition treaty it has with the USA, which would require extending that right for a ruling by the courts in Jamaica BEFORE Coke could be handed over to US authorities, or that such a process be denied.
Given the commitment to the rule of law in our Caribbean civilisation, it is good to have an independent judicial system as final arbiter in the current dispute over the extradition of a Jamaican wanted by American authorities for alleged narco-trafficking and related crimes.
In a sense, the explosion of the bitter extradition row resulting from Jamaica's refusal to extradite Coke is a classic case of déjà vu in terms of relations between Washington and Kingston under different administrations.
As it was under previous governments of the now Opposition People's National Party (PNP), and the administrations of both presidents Bill Clinton and George W Bush, Jamaica remains a favourite "punching bag" in America's diversion to cover up its own woeful failures to effectively deal with its immense problem as the world's biggest consumer of illegal drugs as well as its involvement in gun-running linked to narco-trafficking.
This observation should not be misconstrued as support for Coke, or any other Jamaican or Caricom national whose alleged criminal activities can threaten national security as well as undermine good bilateral relations with the USA and other traditional external allies.
The 'Coke extradition case' reminds us of other instances of the USA wielding the 'big stick' to force small and poor states in this and other regions to genuflect to the assumed legal demands of Washington.
'Silver Dollar' and 'Shiprider'
A typical example of the USA's 'big stick' approach would be the threatened financial sanctions against Jamaica by the then Bill Clinton administration over a then PNP government, led by PJ Patterson, amid a raging bitter dispute involving alleged violations under of a then prevailing Maritime Counter-Narcotics Co-operation Agreement (the 1996 case of the fishing boat Silver Dollar).
A shining example of Caricom solidarity was demonstrated at an extraordinary summit in Barbados hosted by then Prime Minister Owen Arthur.
It was to frustrate Washington, which had threatened sanctions with the emergence of major changes to controversial provisions in the "Maritime Counter-Narcotics (Shiprider) Agreement" which, for its part, Trinidad and Tobago had earlier hastily signed in its original format.
Jamaica's signing with the USA of the revised protocol to the 1997 'Shiprider' pact had ended a chilling episode of political tension, and new cordial relations were flowering in Kingston (then under PNP rule) and other Caricom capitals with the USA when President Clinton showed up in Barbados in May 1997 for the historic summit that resulted in a far-reaching "Partnership for Sovereignty and Security".
Subsequently, however, under the administration of President George W Bush, there was to be another example of bullying tactics by a Washington administration against small and vulnerable economies.
In this case it was related to Caribbean countries that signed and ratified the Rome Treaty of the International Criminal Court (ICC), to concur with a demand from Washington to exonerate from extradition US citizens wanted by the ICC for specific crimes.
Failure to agree, they were made to understand, would mean losing whatever military assistance they normally received from dear "Uncle Sam".
Such is Washington's concept of "democracy" and "sovereignty' when dealing with small and poor states like ours in the Caribbean -- something for which it is occasionally applauded by sections of the region's media.
Among the countries that had both signed and ratified the Rome Treaty were Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, and St Vincent and the Grenadines. Antigua and Barbuda genuflected; Barbados and St Vincent and the Grenadines refused.
Jamaica, Guyana and St Lucia had signed but not ratified the treaty and, consequently, there was no need to pressure them into concurring with Washington's demand. These are just two examples of Uncle Sam's arrogance to push small and poor states into a corner.
Golding's Stand
In the current political episode involving Coke, Prime Minister Golding has made it clear that it is NOT a case of his Government's refusal to co-operate with Washington.
Jamaica's objection relates to the manner in which the USA was muscling its way to secure Coke's extradition, even to the extent of obtaining information illegally by violating key provisions of the Extradition Treaty between the two countries.
According to an irate Golding, who has vowed to pay, if necessary, "the political price" for his handling of the extradition request of August 25 last year, the evidence submitted is based on a violation of Jamaica's Interception of Communications Act.
He went on to state that "constitutional rights do not begin at Liguanea" (location of the United States Embassy in Kingston).
Given the nature of competitive party politics for state power, the Opposition PNP may have its own reason for an earlier press statement that accused the Golding administration of not "expeditiously" responding to the US request for the extradition of Coke.
Yet the PNP can hardly forget its own very unpleasant experiences while in government in dealing with differences with Washington on matters of narco-trafficking.
An example would be the impasse over the so-called Silver Dollar Affair that had led then Foreign Minister Seymour Mullings to accuse Washington of breaching Jamaica's sovereignty.
Cubana Tragedy
The Caribbean Community would be quite aware of Washington's unflattering record in honouring requests for the extradition of those in the USA wanted for outrageous criminal acts in other nations.
Foremost in the minds of Caribbean people would be two Cuban émigrés currently being sheltered in the USA from prosecution for their involvement in the 1976 bombing of the Cubana aircraft off Barbados in which all 73 people on board perished.
One of the terrorists in that Cubana tragedy, Orlando Bosch, a medical doctor, was given a presidential pardon by the senior George Bush, following his illegal entry into the USA after fleeing Venezuela, from where his partner in crime, Luis Posada Carriles, was to later escape. Carriles, after a 'protected' stay in Panama, also illegally entered the USA.
Washington continues to ignore Caricom's request for him to face a court trial for the biggest ever act of terrorism in a Caribbean jurisdiction.
March 07, 2010
jamaicaobserver
Saturday, March 6, 2010
Chile and Haiti: A tale of two quakes
By David Roberts
Following the latest two big earthquakes to hit the region, the one in Haiti on January 12 and the one in central-southern Chile on February 27, many people have been comparing the catastrophes and questioning why so many people died in the Haiti event - up to 300,000, while the capital Port-au-Prince was pretty much flattened - and relatively few in Chile, at around 800, according to the latest count.
The earthquake in Chile, measuring 8.8 on the Richter scale, was supposedly 700 times more powerful than the one in Haiti, which measured 7.0. According to the scientists, one additional decimal point on the Richter scale means 10 times more energy is released, and while that may be difficult to believe in terms of how an earth tremor feels (a 4.1 certainly doesn't feel 10 times more powerful than a 4.0, for instance), the Chilean event was certainly much more powerful than the one in Haiti.
There are of course obvious reasons why the Chilean earthquake led to considerably less destruction and loss of life than the Haiti one. Building standards are very different, and that's a lesson that Chile has learnt from massive earthquakes in the past that caused the deaths of tens of thousands of people, such as Chillán in 1939 and Valdivia in 1960 (at 9.5 on the Richter scale the most powerful one ever registered), after which much stricter building codes were introduced. Many buildings in Port-au-Prince collapsed because they were not constructed using steel rebars to reinforce the concrete, while poverty and poor living conditions in general led to many more deaths than would otherwise have been the case, not to mention those many fatalities and injuries that resulted from inadequate rescue equipment and services, nor the illnesses that followed because of poor water supplies.
Another factor partly explaining the relatively modest damage - "relatively" is the key word here, as damage is initially estimated at up to US$30bn - and numbers of victims in Chilean earthquakes in recent decades is that they tend to be deeper in the ground than in many other parts of the world.
Indeed, on occasions some Chileans appear to be proud of the fact that their country seems to largely resist such powerful quakes, at least compared to other nations like Haiti, China or Iran, for example. There is, however, no room for complacency, and standards must be improved further. The February 27 event caused major destruction, even to modern infrastructure facilities that should have emerged unscathed, such as Santiago's so-called earthquake-proof airport (fortunately there were relatively few passengers in the terminal at the time), recently built highways and even an overpass on Santiago's beltway collapsed, and all that despite the quake in the capital measuring "only" 8.0. Several apartment blocks built just a few years ago came down or were severely damaged. To make matters worse, and this too demonstrates how far Chile still has to go in terms of development, many of the homes destroyed have no proper insurance coverage.
Then mistakes were made in the response by the authorities to the quake, most notably the navy ruling out a tsunami, which hit the coast of central-southern Chile a few minutes later, killing hundreds (including some in Juan Fernández archipelago).
In the event of a massive earthquake it is perhaps inevitable, wherever it occurs, that certain damage will ensue, and the authorities cannot take all the blame. Look at the telephone networks for instance, so vital in terms of a major disaster. One can expect the landlines to go down, but it seems mighty strange that just one of three mobile companies appeared to manage to keep its network operating.
Fortunately, Chilean authorities appear to be well aware of the shortcomings, so the onus now will be on the new government led by Sebastián Piñera to take up the reins and further improve standards.
bnamericas
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