Politics in The Bahamas post-Perry Christie: ...it appears that politically, the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) will be at a bloody crossroad... Moving forward, the party must not—in the words of Sam Tenanhaus—become “trapped in postures of frozen light, clenched in the rigor mortis of a defunct ideology.”

Who's it gonna be?

The leadership showdown is turning into a 'bloody crossroad'



By ADRIAN GIBSON

ajbahama@hotmail.com

Nassau, The Bahamas



THE leadership showdown in the PLP will feature a line up of contenders, pretenders and a number of wannabes vying for the leadership who couldn’t convincingly serve as effective backups to Bozo the clown. In a post-Perry Christie era, one can imagine the probable leadership candidates scampering across a convention floor, all fervently seeking the support of the party’s ever ballooning contingent of stalwart councilors. No doubt, there will be a few aspirants employing Brutus’ tactics and stabbing each other in the backs with sharpened political knives.

When the leadership melee kicks off, one expects to see lots of finger-jabbing and colorful political vernacular.

Post-Christie, it appears that politically, the PLP will be at a bloody crossroad. Moving forward, the party must not—in the words of Sam Tenanhaus—become “trapped in postures of frozen light, clenched in the rigor mortis of a defunct ideology.”

In 2007, Bahamians expressed disillusionment with the PLP’s scandalous reign and lack of vision and voted them out of office after one term. Today, there remains some members on the party’s frontline who are among the walking wounded of our political culture and who should not be re-nominated.

A future leader of the PLP must be able to espouse a new and innovative approach to governance, one that would deepen the populace’s trust in accountable governance. A future leader must be capable of proffering a vision for empowering Bahamians, enforce ethical codes of conduct (MPs/ministers) and present a conscientious national development platform to the electorate.

Frankly, people are weary of the old ways of the PLP, top heavy with stalwart councilors who vote in lock step like assembly line drones and cultivate an atmosphere of personality cults. The supremacy of stalwart councilors within the PLP has perhaps singlehandedly retarded the advancement of the party.

Lame-duck legion

At present, there are a few in the PLP who are merely an assemblage of reprobates, head bangers and morons. Likewise, the PLP is also home to a lame duck legion of political pretenders who should not even offer in 2012, weighed against vying for the party’s leadership and seeking to possibly lead our country!

A new leader must maintain, and perhaps reconfigure, the party for it to continue on as a legitimate and credible political force. Indeed, delegates choosing a new leader must select someone who has the ability to rid the party of political dead weight and revivify the party, and the masses, once Mr Christie bids farewell to the political frontline. The prospective leader must not merely have a wide-eyed infatuation with power!

Former Prime Minister Perry Christie is a political titan who appears to be an experienced and principled gentleman. However, he lost the 2007 general election because he appeared dithery and lost control of the reins of his Cabinet.

So, who could succeed the Mr Christie?

Dr Bernard Nottage is in the twilight of his political career, with this election perhaps being his swan song—though he’s expected to retain his seat. Dr Nottage is politically astute and charismatic, a political journeyman with firm managerial skills and, since his ventures with the defunct CDR, the party’s most prominent prodigal son.

Now a senior citizen—in truth and in political terms—the leadership window for Dr Nottage is seemingly slamming shut. The good doctor has apparently peaked and will not see the Promised Land (leadership). By 2017, Nottage will likely be an outgoing figure.

Philip ‘Brave’ Davis, the deputy leader, has neither razzle nor dazzle. Davis was once thought of as merely a flimsy, smiling back-bencher who appeared inclined to quietly stand in the background. He has since repackaged himself.

Mr Davis does appear to be a one-dimensional politician who has no Cabinet experience and no notable political achievement/experience on his resume. Sources assert that he is a down-to-earth chap who didn’t have an opportunity to attend college and instead pulled himself up by his bootstraps.

Relative to public speaking, his oratorical delivery is about as explosive as a soaking wet fire cracker. If Davis’ leadership campaign is based wholly upon his oratorical ability to electrify a crowd and project his vision, his stock could be lower than the Zimbabwean dollar. I must admit that Davis’ parliamentary performance on Tuesday, during the debate on the Boundary Commission’s report, showed that at least he’s a work in progress.

Previously, Mr Davis—in the deputy leader race—ran a multifaceted campaign that was impressive as he employed much of the modern political/marketing strategies used in American political campaigns.

So, has Davis shown that he is a true successor to Mr Christie? Does he have the political appeal to win the electorate’s hearts and votes? Or, could he, like many others before him, peak at deputy leader?

Obie Wilchcombe, who was Sir Lynden Pindling’s understudy, is a dynamic and charismatic orator. Mr Wilchcombe would be a real contender in the leadership showdown. Wilchcombe is the only member of the PLP frontline who has served as party chairman, senator, MP, leader of Opposition business and minister. Frankly, he is one of the odds-on favourites to succeed Mr Christie.

Mr Wilchcombe has the public appeal and tenure to mount a successful campaign and has been an outstanding MP. He is known as a “ground hog” during political campaigns.

Fred Mitchell is not to be politically underestimated and will no doubt throw his hat into the impending leadership skirmish. Mitchell is perceived to be quite intelligent and, by many accounts, has been a superb MP. However, his detractors see him as a divisive and polarizing figure who would have to revamp his image to truly capture the overwhelming support of party delegates.

Alfred Sears, whose imminent political departure will leave the PLP without a strong leadership contender, is one of the smoother operators in the political firmament. Although his performance as Education Minister/Attorney General was solidly mediocre, he appears to be a highly intelligent and competent man of integrity who is widely respected and well-liked. Sears is seemingly a straight-shooter and the PLP should encourage him to remain on the frontline.

Shane Gibson is a long shot. Before he staggered from one blunder to another as a Cabinet minister, Gibson was seen as a young turk who could’ve succeeded Mr Christie as party leader. Today, whilst he’s purportedly a good-natured chap who is loved by his constituents, Mr Gibson is seen as a political non-event and a pariah figure within the party.

Is it true that earlier this year Mr Gibson had talks with the PM and inquired about joining the FNM?

Frank Smith is a firebrand and rank outsider who would be politically sucker punched in any leadership race. Mr Smith will likely be banished to the political wilderness after the 2012 election.

Younger leader

Post-Christie, could the leadership clash see the emergence of a leader from a younger generation of PLPs who do not currently sit in the House of Assembly?

I have gained much respect for Raynard Rigby since he spoke candidly and rationally offered constructive criticism of his party in the wake of its 2007 defeat. Cousin Raynard noted that he objected to the requirement—as party chairman—that he defend public scandals that he privately objected to; addressed campaign shortfalls and chided the party for running a poorly organized campaign; and called for the PLP to engage in mature discourse and accept criticism as not anti-PLP, but merely a differing opinion.

Formerly a clueless and bombastic talker, “cous” has rebranded himself, should be courted for a nomination and distinguished as a young turk on the fast track to leadership.

Jerome Fitzgerald admittedly boasts some electric qualities. However, Fitzgerald has become known for partisan histrionics and sometimes appears overly combative. That said, he is a political newcomer who has a rather cerebral deportment and appears to have the country’s best interest at heart.

Published on Saturday, December 3, 2011, in the column Young Man’s View, in The Tribune’s ‘The  Big T’
 
Bahamas Blog International

How about a modest act of decency to one very flawed former Panamanian dictator?

by Larry Birns, COHA Director



General Manuel Noriega’s return to Panama on Sunday, after serving 22 years of imprisonment abroad, poses serious questions for the Panamanian system of justice, the rectitude of Washington’s treatment of Noriega during his long period of incarceration, and the future fate of the 77-year-old former dictator.

The Noriega case is surrounded by gross hypocrisy, a failure to tell the full truth concerning the nature of the US-Panamanian relations during the period of Noriega’s rule of the country from 1983-1989, and the exact details of the ties existing at the time between Washington and Panama City.

At the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, we have long been intrigued by the links between the two hemispheric entities. From the days of Noriega’s attendance at the Peruvian National Academy as a young cadet -- Panama did not have such an institution of its own -- to shortly before the establishment of intelligence connections between the youthful Noriega and the colossus to the north, Noriega’s flawed relationship with Washington has been a matter of conjecture. What we had here was a cursed knot binding the two countries together.

It is probable that Noriega’s privileged place on the US payroll would have lasted to this day if Roberto Eisenmann, a distinguished Panamanian democratic figure, had not fled to the country at the risk of his life after being identified as a mortal foe of the Panamanian strongman. Eisenmann tirelessly patrolled the corridors of power in Washington, spreading anti-Noriega gospel. Finally, through much of the 1980s, Eisenmann lobbied the US Senate until he was successful in having that body pass a resolution cutting off all assistance to Panama because of Noriega’s human rights violations and his connections to drug-trafficking and money laundering.

But President George H.W. Bush did not readily acquiesce to the anti-Noriega template being pushed at this point by the Senate. Noriega had been an effective CIA asset, plying Washington with accurate on-the-ground information in the Washington-backed contra campaign against the Sandinistas and in the Salvadoran government’s ugly war against the FMLN guerrillas.

Noriega had allowed US airplanes to take off from Howard Air Force Base to fly over Nicaragua and El Salvador to photograph and select potential targets for US-backed local forces, as well as critical intelligence information on Cuba and on Russian activity in the Caribbean basin. On a visit to Panama in the 1980s, Bush was reportedly briefed on local realities. When Bush became president and the Senate was taking a strong embargo stand against Noriega, the US president eventually yielded to the interventionists in Washington who were calling for military action against Panama. Even though Bush would have preferred to have tried to maintain the formerly valuable US ties with Noriega, this had become all but impossible. This was particularly the case after the late Senator Ted Kennedy and other Senate liberals like Senators Dodd and Leahy were calling for decisive actions against the cynical Panamanian dictator.

(COHA director Larry Birns had been invited to Panama by General Noriega just before the U.S. invasion was launched. In his communiqué to Birns, he described him as his “honorable enemy.” Birns is believed to have been the last American citizen to meet with Noriega before the US attack was launched.)

So what to do with General Noriega now that he is arriving back to his country after having served more than 22 years in US and French jails? It would clearly be cruel and unusual punishment to be sent to some bleak Panamanian jail at the age of 77, no matter how accented by interior decoration. In keeping with Panamanian law, the international community should call upon Panamanian authorities to place the Panamanian outcast under nothing more than house arrest, rather than requiring him to face another 20 years of incarceration or even more.

The US knowingly and cynically used Noriega even though it was fully apprised regarding his links to drug traffickers and money launderers. Incidentally, Noriega, while being portrayed back in Washington as a large-scale drug trafficker, was actually a relatively modest operator. And the US falsely told the American people that the elimination of Noriega would all but end the drug trafficking surge, a notion which was and is patently untrue.

Today, under president Ricardo Martinelli, Panama is even more corrupt than it was under Noriega, yet President Obama did not even bother to mention this fact when he aggressively campaigned for the passage of the bilateral trade agreement with that country.

COHA calls for compassion. House arrest is the proper sentence to mete out to a man who was but one of countless US officials and Central American operators who worked outside the law and would never qualify for a red badge of courage.

The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt research and information organization. It has been described on the Senate floor as being "one of the nation's most respected bodies of scholars and policy makers." For more information, visit www.coha.org or email coha@coha.org

December 14, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Bahamas Blog International

...the role that the College of The Bahamas (COB) can and should play in contributing to the development of a modern Bahamas in the 21st century and beyond must not be understated or underestimated

The invisible College of The Bahamas

Consider this

By Philip C. Galanis

Nassau, The Bahamas

“Education is teaching our children to desire the right things.” – Plato

In April, 2009, we wrote about the College of The Bahamas (COB) in an article entitled “A Hidden Treasure” in which we observed that “it is important for Bahamians to have confidence in that institution as the forceful and valuable seat of higher education”.  Two and one-half years later, and almost a year after the appointment of a new college president, we thought it would be interesting to Consider This… has the College of The Bahamas lived up to the high expectations and ideals of which we wrote, or has that hidden treasure now become virtually invisible?

The current state of affairs

Sadly, we believe that since former president Janyne Hodder left the college, the institution that is supposed to be the cornerstone of learning in our nation has become less impactful, less relevant and almost invisible on the Bahamian landscape.  In fact, if you think about it, when was the last time that anyone has heard of any new, innovative, or interesting developments at the college?  Regrettably, there have been several fascinating day-long seminars that have gone under-attended because of the lack of any organized and formal publicity or advertising, putting the dazzling knowledge imparted at these forums in the category of trees falling in the forest with no one to hear them.

It is always revealing and instructive to speak to college students attending that institution in order to garner their perceptions of how the college is faring.  I did that with several students, some of whom had transferred to COB from North American colleges as well as students who attended COB directly from high schools in The Bahamas, and what we discovered is disturbing, distressing and disconcerting.

Those students observed that generally they do not have an inkling of an idea of the college’s vision or the direction in which it is headed either in the short- or long-term.  Those same students indicated that teachers and students are not always very helpful on a number of fronts.  Some COB lecturers and many students do not know where certain classrooms are situated on the campus and many of those classrooms and bathrooms are dingy, drab, dirty and disappointingly maintained.

In some cases, the air conditioning does not work, classrooms are uncomfortably hot and many of the lecturers and students do not even use their college-assigned email addresses, preferring instead to use their own Yahoo, Gmail or Hotmail addresses.  The registration process is poorly-organized and managed, and classes are often over-populated, sometimes with as many as 60 students, where the ideal class sizes are not supposed to exceed 25 students.

For various reasons, some of the more seasoned personnel have left or are in the process of leaving COB.  The college has lost some of its senior management and faculty over the past year, and, while some of the departures have been a positive development for the college, others have been very detrimental.

In the aggregate, while there are positive attributes at COB, these abnormalities suggest a crisis of leadership and an absence of effective management at the college.  If COB hopes to attain university status, these, among other deficiencies, must urgently be rectified.

Greater visibility

Another area where the invisibility of the College of The Bahamas is hurting its overall mission is in the wider community.  Institutions of higher education should play a vitally important role in the development of the community in which they exist.  Historically, colleges have exerted a powerful influence on communities as bastions of critical intellectual intercourse, providing leadership in making positive contributions to ensuring the community’s future.  This, in turn, ensures the development of competitive skills of the nation by building community values and cohesion which ultimately help communities to move forward.  The college should be an incubator for innovation, thought, leadership, research and critical commentary on intellectual, social, economic and political issues.  The college should also be a catalyst for change and transformation of the society in which it is situated, offering an enticing menu of seminars and lecture series for those who are not students, spreading the seeds of knowledge beyond the walls of academia.  However, this desire to be an enriching force in the community seems to be sorely missing from the College of The Bahamas.

An institution of ideas

Can you imagine the contribution that COB could make in helping to frame the national debate on issues relative to the upcoming general election campaign in order to encourage an issues-oriented exercise?

Where better to have the kind of structured debates between candidates that the populace is yearning for than within the confines of COB?  Monitored and analyzed by academic minds, these kinds of debates could broaden the political discourse in a healthy and intelligent manner, giving Bahamians – for the first time – a dispassionate and analytical atmosphere in which to evaluate their future leaders.

Additionally, shouldn’t COB’s Social Sciences and Business departments, based on research and empirical study, engage in formulating ideas about how we can realistically address some of our social challenges and the expansion of the Bahamian economy?  Seminars and lectures could enlighten Bahamians from all walks of life about surviving these challenges and understanding the new normal that will be the Bahamian economy.  Clearly, participating in scholarly discussions could introduce new concepts and ideas, enabling and empowering attendees to thrive in the future.

And shouldn’t the Political Sciences department address the shortcomings of our quasi-Westminster model with a view to proposing constitutional changes in order to update and transform our system of governance?  In a college setting, minds young and old would be able to come together in fruitful examinations and discussions that could do much to shape our future.

Isn’t there a golden opportunity for COB to research comparative penal institutions that work effectively, with a view to enhancing our efforts toward rehabilitation and reconciliation of persons who have lost their way in society?  The intellectual study and explanation of the restorative justice initiative, for example, could change not only the way we punish criminals but also how we help victims to reclaim their lives.  In a college atmosphere, these kinds of investigations can be undertaken in a non-threatening way, allowing all sides to question and understand this concept.

Conclusion

Higher education provides an exceptional forum where lecturers and scholars can evaluate societal problems from a uniquely balanced and comparative social and economic perspective.

In the final analysis, the role that COB can and should play in contributing to the development of a modern Bahamas in the 21st century and beyond must not be understated or underestimated.  But first and foremost, COB must shed its cloak of invisibility and boldly step forward, prepared and eager to open its doors to the community and make positive contributions for the benefit of all our citizens.

•Philip C. Galanis is the managing partner of HLB Galanis & Co., Chartered Accountants, Forensic & Litigation Support Services. He served 15 years in Parliament.  Please send your comments to: pgalanis@gmail.com

Dec 12, 2011

thenassauguardian

Bahamas Blog International

CARICOM dreams and empty threats: Is Washington listening? They are not

By Ian Francis


Well, the CARICOM-Cuba Summit has ended. Raoul enjoyed his two days in Trinidad, although he and his large delegation were denied access to the Hilton Hotel. In my personal view, CARICOM states that continue to show denial and stupidity will soon understand that the Helms Burton Law is an old United States statute that is not likely to be repealed any time soon.

At the same time, CARICOM states are obligated to continue calling for the lifting of the embargo against Cuba. It is an entrenched United States policy that is still soured and offended about the ideological rebuff after the overthrow of the Batista regime.

Looking at the final communiqué issued in Port-of Spain, I am at a loss to determine what the strong message is that Caribbean leaders will send to the United States. Frankly speaking, the message remains the same as repeated annually at the September United Nations General Assembly.

What is very interesting about the communiqué is the hypocrisy and apologetic nature of some of our leaders. They are the first to burn their cell phone line to Bridgetown offering an apology to the resident United States ambassador or political attaché expressing remorse and saying we had no alternative but to support the communiqué. A phone call and expression is not enough, if any Caribbean leader present at the event had the guts and strength, they should have walked out and refused to sign the communiqué. They did not.

A final communiqué of the meeting was expected and this was accomplished. However, the continuing sad spectre of leadership in CARICOM states and their contribution to national development, which breeds increase crime, lawlessness, youth unemployment and corruption across the board, needs to be urgently addressed.

The Cuba- CARICOM summit was a necessity, given Cuba’s aid and development assistance in the region. Along with Cuba’s aid commitment, the Caribbean region has had long cultural ties with Cuba that it is never a surprise to book in as a tourist in one of Cuba’s finest to immediately find out that the maid or barman has strong Caribbean roots.

As a long-time political analyst, who has paid great attention to the Cuba-US trade embargo, it is my personal feeling that condemnation of the embargo at the United Nations or a Trinidad summit will never achieve the desired goals.

It was interesting to read the comments of former United States ambassador to Barbados and the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States. As a Bush appointee, Ambassador Kramer was not part of the State Department family. Her political appointment meant that her reports were for the consumption of her ideological hawks and it was necessary to describe the weak and visionless Caribbean leadership that encountered her during her diplomatic posting.

Former Ambassador Kramer has gone; however, there are many other foreign diplomatic missions in the region developing and reporting their views about our leaders. There is no control about what is reported to home governments. However, Caribbean leaders and their aides could begin the process of laying important groundwork.

Indeed our states or nations are small; however, policies, standards and procedures are important. We need to devise an access policy that ensures control and suitability to rank. For example, a political attaché from the US Embassy in Bridgetown should only have unfettered access to the rank of an assistant secretary. The idea of the permanent secretary of Ministry of Foreign Affairs dropping all his chores to see the designated pipsqueak is ridiculous and demonstrates a colonial mentality.

This article is not about hostility to Washington; the latter has a constructive role to play in the region. However, the success and sustainability of their presence in the region must be encumbered with respect, sensitivity and professional manners. The big stick approach should not be applied.

At the same time, CARICOM leaders need to rebrand themselves and understand the dynamics of governing and decision making. If the two are embraced, in time to come we can express admiration.

At the moment, their conduct and management of state affairs leave a lot to be desired.

Come on guys you can do better.

December 12, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Which political party is best for Jamaica... PNP or JLP?

Which party is best for Jamaica?

By Franklin JOHNSTON

The PNP is the natural party of the Jamaican people. The first and only party to adumbrate a mantra for the disadvantaged and social institutions to give it effect. This was attractive to the grandchildren of slaves who prized their freedoms. Norman Manley was driven. A soldier, athlete, Rhodes scholar, he knew political dogma - the strait-jacket of communism and capitalism. He chose the middle ground which social democratic parties in Germany, UK, Italy, Greece, Scandinavian nations used to build world-class industry and great welfare systems. Bustamante was not of this ilk. He went to primary school, was a rolling stone - Cuba, Panama, America - policeman, hospital orderly, investor; changed his name on a whim and returned home in his 50s with some money. He was an activist; joined a union, founded his own and used his talent to help workers with success. He founded the JLP on "sibling rivalry" - a contest with his "educated cousin". The JLP still reacts to the PNP. We say to kids, "See Mr Manley, his life, study, law career, service in politics... copy him!" You can't tell kids to copy Bustamante's life! The JLP's capitalist mantra lies between his "we are with the West" and Seaga's "haves and have-nots". The JLP is mainly a spiritual vacuum, but the ascendancy of Adventist ethic in leadership in the last four years may change this. The benign union of church and state and the clique of Adventist fundamentalist right-wingers in Cabinet is ominous. More anon!

The PNP is also the omni-directional creative, cultural and sporting home of the nation. The vision of Norman Manley - world-class sportsman, lawyer, art connoisseur and bon vivant - is breathtaking. An inspiration to Jamaicans here and abroad. Bustamante's life was rambling and we have anecdotes often which he supplied, not facts. But the drama of what we know is compelling. He loved his cousin, shared successes. Manley outfoxed the British. They trusted, respected him; he fought with them in war, studied with them at Oxford, held forth in their courts, they knew his commitment and performance and he knew them!

The PNP is the spiritual home of the nation. Drumblair was the hub of artistic expression; the energy of our creative class. Liberal jargon as freedom, economic independence, decolonisation, equality, class struggle, environment, self-reliance, Nkrumah, Lumumba, Africa are the legacy of PNP semanticists. The UWI was said to be PNP just by being a place of intellect. The spirit of craft, cottage industry, domestic work; gender equality, child equality, shade equality were nurtured by conscious people, many not PNP but classed as such. The JLP went the other way. Bustamante was educated, but he used a folksy illiteracy which attracted poor people yet they retreated as it devalued education. Some recidivism is still evident at meetings where there is a striving of educated JLP people to appear less so and diss education to curry favour with poor people - a paradox of politics! The PNP also got "street cred"; many "buttos" had free rein and principles suffered. Mr Seaga nurtured Kapo but the JLP never bought into his artistic genius. The JLP as a capitalist party has never been of artistic or spiritual trenchancy.

The PNP is the spiritual home of the media. Its leaders marched and demonstrated when media workers were disadvantaged and fired; meanwhile the JLP were banning speakers, books, writings and UWI lecturers. I smuggled books, was interminably searched by customs and had my books confiscated. Every journalist over 50 - not media owners - is a virtual PNP sleeper because of its track record on their behalf. Early PNP leaders sacrificed; politics was not their best job; their families suffered. After the PM's job they did public service - spoke globally and served the Commonwealth. They lived in their pre-politics houses and died with less than when they started politics. Their children's legacy was a good education, not money or a business. Ex-JLP top brass expressed their capitalism in finance; new houses, business to capitalise on their years in politics. No global speakers emerged. People rightly worry about JLP corruption as they expect it, but they wrongly ignore PNP corruption because they think them high-minded - both are wrong. If the PNP mantra also resonated with other ethnic groups, they came on contract, indenture, fleeing persecution and it was PNP social openness, not JLP restrictive capitalism, that attracted them. So where is this going?

The big question

Why is the PNP not more successful at the polls? Given this love affair, how come they won only eight elections to the JLP's seven since 1944? What are we missing? What is the PNP doing wrong or the JLP doing right?

The answer?

The JLP is filler when people want to punish the PNP and sometimes it delivers the goods! First, despite his work, Norman did not lead us to Independence. Was the referendum principle or naivety? No matter; he did not get the nod. Second, Michael's self-reliance which makes Cuba the region's innovator in health industries, education and housing, even with two hands tied by a USA blockade, did not get the nod. Third, Finsac is a metaphor for woes. The USA used debt resolution with dozens of failed banks and building societies. Here, true to its mantra, the PNP rescued hundreds of thousands of small savers. The few thousand investors and bankers had to face the nightmare of all entrepreneurs who use poor people's savings to build themselves - grief! Finally, the PNP has not explained how in 18 years of unbroken power when the world was prospering we could not even catch up with Barbados. So has the PNP squandered our generosity? Is the JLP stability just the usual calm after an IMF loan boosts our cash flows? More to come. Stay conscious, my friend!

Coat of arms or jacket?

Last week arriving passengers were told by NMIA Immigration their completed forms were illegal. The reason? The coat of arms was wrong? The crab louse was upside down or such? Who printed them? It did seem more jacket than coat! The explanations were confusing. Tired tourists and locals were not amused.

Dr Franklin Johnston is an international project manager with Teape-Johnston Consultants currently on assignment in the UK.

franklinjohnstontoo@gmail.com

jamaicaobserver

Bahamas Blog International

Is The Bahamas Political System A Constitutional Dictatorship?

The Bahamas: A constitutional dictatorship?

By Rishard P. O. Cooper

Nassau, The Bahamas

We have an anachronistic, colonial governance system that is no longer suitable for the needs of our developing nation in this 21st century.  We inherited this Westminster system of governance from the British.  So far, our political leadership has not thought it good to change the system.  One of the weaknesses of the Westminster parliamentary system of government is the lack of strong separation of powers between the legislature and executive.  In The Bahamas most of the governing party’s members of Parliament are in the cabinet (the executive).  Most of these MPs, including the backbenchers, are not, it seems, independent thinkers or operatives.  This creates an environment in which the executive (the cabinet and more specifically the prime minister) is often left unchecked in any substantial manner.  While checks and balances are important for honest governance, a government must be able to effectively and swiftly take action on behalf of the people, for better or worse.  The current political gridlock in America between the congress and President Barack Obama underscores a drawback to presidential governance systems that traditionally have stronger institutional separation between the legislature and the executive.

Today, due to our proximity to the U.S. and our own political evolution, Bahamian elections are treated as essentially choosing between two or more party leaders.  Hence, many Bahamian voters perceive and treat general elections as presidential races between the leaders of political parties and not so much as votes for particular members of Parliament.  However, our system is not a presidential system.  If an individual wants to be prime minister, realistically, that person will have to be the leader of a major political party.  Historically this has been the only way to ensure the loyalty of a majority of the members in the House of Assembly.  However, it is often difficult for newcomers and outsiders to become the leader of a major party.  This is so because delegates that may be staunch supporters of the established party leadership often choose party leadership.

Here are a few suggestions to reform our antiquated governing system and make it more efficient, transparent and to reduce the concentration of power in the prime minister.  Firstly, our parliamentary system must be reformed in favor of a presidential one.  This should make it easier for newcomers and outsiders to have a better chance to successfully run for prime minister/president without having to build up a substantial amount of support within a political party or command the loyalty of a certain number of MPs.  At the same time, this would allow Bahamians to directly choose the political leader of the country.  Our elections often boil down to a de facto race between the leaders of our political parties.  Changing to some form of presidential system would eliminate the indirect method we use to “choose” our prime minister.  Secondly, we should implement term limits as prime minister to two terms consecutively or cumulatively.  Some critics also recommend that there should be similar term limits for members of Parliament to reduce the number of career politicians – not a bad idea at all.

Reforming our campaign finance laws to make the financing process more transparent, fair, and reduce the influence of corporations and rich people should also make our system more democratic and less beholden to special interests, including, for example, limits on the amount of money persons and entities can donate to a campaign.  Ideally, our general elections should be funded completely from the public treasury.  In addition, a properly functioning ombudsperson’s office must be formulated to receive and investigate complaints against the government.

The ombudsperson’s office in conjunction with a well equipped and fearless public defender’s office should be empowered to take legal action to protect the interests and rights of citizens, residents and others.  Probably the most important factor in reducing the concentrated power in the prime minister under our current governance model involves the election of strong, independent minded cabinet ministers and backbenchers.  The prime minister is not the supreme leader as some may suggest or insinuate.  Instead, he or she is the first among equals and should conduct him or herself accordingly.  If we are able to implement some or all of these non-exhaustive suggestions, we can go a long way in reducing the extraordinary power wielded by the prime minister.

 

•Rishard Cooper is a Bahamian international corporate attorney.  Email feedback to: rishard.Cooper@gmail.com

Dec 09, 2011

thenassauguardian

Bahamas Blog International

Many Caribbean countries are calling early elections and Belize might do the same

By Wellington C. Ramos



Under the constitutions of most countries that got independence from Great Britain, there is no fixed date to call general elections for members of the House of Representatives to serve their five year terms. Also, the prime minister or the president of the country is not elected by the people through a direct vote. The party that gains the majority of votes in the House of Representatives forms the new government and the leader of the party automatically becomes the prime minister or president.

With this type of arrangement, anybody who want to become the prime minister or president of the country, must seek a seat in the House of Representatives, win the seat and plus try to become a leader of his or her party at the party’s leadership convention. If this person wins the leadership of his party and loses his or her seat in the general election, that person cannot be the prime minister or president of the country but shall retain his or her position as party leader until the party holds its next convention. The elected members of the party from among themselves shall then decide who will be their party’s prime minister or president and then give his or her name to the governor general of the country.

In 1979 in Belize, Dean Lindo was the party leader but lost his seat to Said Musa so the party appointed Dr Theodore Aranda the leader of the party in the House of Representatives. He retained his title as party leader and, when the party convention was held, Manuel Esquivel was elected party leader because Dr Aranda had resigned from the party to head the Christian Democratic Party (CDP).

Elections were held in 1984 and the United Democratic Party (UDP) defeated the People’s United Party (PUP) by a margin of 21 to 7. In that election, a young politician by the name of Derick Aikeman defeated the leader of the People’s United Party George Price and Florencio Marin was appointed the leader of the opposition in the House of Representatives while George Price retained his position as leader of the party. George Price stayed in that position from 1956 until he stepped down in 1996 a total of forty years. Florencio Marin competed for the position of leader of the party but was defeated by Said Musa and he was isolated from the party for many years until the last year of the PUP reign in 2007-2008.

In 1989, the PUP came back and won the election, so George Price became the prime minister again but they lost the elections in 1993 and Manuel Esquivel returned and became prime minister again. He resigned the post of leader in 1996 and was replaced by Said Musa who became the prime minister in 1998 when the PUP won the elections. Musa was elected for two consecutive terms until his party was defeated by the UDP in February 2008, when Dean Barrow became the prime minister.

Since taking over the leadership of the United Democratic Party, Dean Barrow has brought the party to the point where they have been winning elections and it is now a force to reckon with. The People’s United Party is currently fragmented and is being controlled by a few families, business people, interest groups and people of Arab descent and Belizeans are angry with this picture. More native Belizean ethnic groups such as the Creoles, Garifunas, Latinos, East Indians and Mayas are supporting the United Democratic Party today. The attempt by the PUP to portray the UDP as a party that is only for African Belizeans has failed miserably. When the UDP have their conventions you see all different type of Belizeans that makeup Belize.

This was clear based on the resounding victories the UDP have been enjoying since March 2006, when they won the municipal elections, village council elections and then climaxing with the general elections of 2008. The PUP has been saying that they are ready for general elections because they have all their thirty-one candidates in place. Having candidates and winning elections are two different things. The UDP can now call the elections whenever they feel like and I am of the opinion that they will do it shortly after the municipal elections are held in March of 2012.

Recently, elections were held in Guyana and the party in power lost the House of Parliament but retained the presidency. In Saint Lucia the UWP party that was in control lost the House of Representatives and the Saint Lucia Labour Party (SLP) headed by Dr Kenny Anthony returned to power by winning nine out of fifteen seats in the House of Parliament after about nine years as the opposition. Jamaican has elections scheduled for December 29 this year and Jamaicans are ready to go to the polls with their JLP government and their new Prime Minister Andrew Holness.

The Belize government has gotten the gangs under control and is working on a few economic initiatives to obtain funds to provide jobs for their citizens. Roads and bridges are under construction, a new airport is under construction, they have taken over the public utilities to increase government revenues, utility rates for the consumers are going to be reduced soon, new schools are being built and electricity will be provided to an additional 29 villages soon.

With all these efforts being made by the government, it is clear that the UDP government is getting ready to call elections soon. Before a prime minister of any country calls early elections, he or she must weigh the pros and cons on what are their chances of getting re-elected first. With the current financial state of the PUP, their fragmentation and their lack of a clear vision and direction, the UDP should so go ahead and take advantage of their situation because PUP did the same thing when they were in power. After years of being an opposition party it is now time for the UDP to remain the governing party.

December 8, 2011

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