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Tuesday, September 20, 2022

The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has serious concerns about the continuing deterioration of the security situation and the social circumstances in the Republic of Haiti

The continued breakdown of law and order in Haiti and its miserable impact on the Haitian people

The Haitian unrest is having a negative impact on the already weak economy of Haiti - leading to even more mass demonstrations.  Especially the worsening social conditions and the limited availability of food require urgent and immediate attention from the international community

Haitian Unrest
The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is gravely concerned by the continuing deterioration of the security situation and the social circumstances in the Republic of Haiti.

The continued breakdown in law and order, and its distressing effect on the people of Haiti, is intensifying.  The fraught situation is exacerbated by the inability of the Haitian security forces to address the ongoing violence.

The unrest is having a negative impact on the already weak economy leading to even more mass demonstrations.  Especially the worsening social conditions and the limited availability of food require urgent and immediate attention from the international community.

This persistently distressing situation is untenable, and CARICOM calls for all stakeholders to engage meaningfully with the aim to find a way forward and to put country first and address the situation urgently.

CARICOM, following discussions in the past weeks, remains available to assist and work with international partners to mobilize financial and technical resources to facilitate a process towards normalization and ultimately the holding of free, fair and credible general elections.

Georgetown, Guyana

19 September 2022


Thursday, September 15, 2022



By Professor Gilbert Morris

Map of The Caribbean
The beauty of the Caribbean is a distortion field. There are few places in the world where nature displays her moving panoply as agreeably as the CARIBBEAN.
Mottled green and iridescent blue waters, swirling into creamy dreamscape freckled with evergreen pastoral nodes: islands, cays, islets…are an immediate thrill to the senses.

However, when travelling within and across the Caribbean, this tapestry of loveliness aforementioned, gives way first to stupidity, then cruelty, then demotic idiocies.

In fact and effect, travelling within and across the Caribbean reveals our self-abnegation: our careless disregard for each other, in the exhibition of which, it seems, there is no inconvenience or unconscionable stupidity we won’t impose on each other because of our utter lack of process intelligence.

Process intelligence is the knowledge of logistics, people movement and processing, to prevent triage or cascades; essentially the [sic] of a logistics process.

Countries with population, weather, elevation (mountains), languages (4-5 minimum) and currency…have little choice but to develop process intelligence. So Singapore and Hong Kong are small spaces with relatively large populations. Yet they can move 100,000 people through a process in 7 minutes. Jamaica, India and Brazil have large populations relatively speaking…in large spaces and yet are horrendous as processing people.

100,000 people may take two days. (Though, I confess, Jamaica learned something after its devastatingly barbarous start to airport throughput management during the first 5 months of COVID 19).

We encounter our own indulgence in cruelty in the manner in which we designed our cut n’ paste airports largely for planeing and deplaneing flights. Tourists come for the Sun, yet their flights are parked conveniently, 30 seconds from the arrival halls. But locals - more likely to be professionals, dressed for business - must walk 1000 meters in the blistering Sun, to enter an unfumigated, often frowsy, hot plane and sit as operators go casually about their inefficient paper-laden process; asking each other questions in bewilderment about things they do as routine every day…as they themselves sweat like feral Goats!

I flew from Jamaica to Providenciales, to Nassau. This was the “valley of the shadow of death”. Listen: there was not one single element or option or pretence of convenience in the entire trip. Rain or shine, you walk outside like herded Yaks. Some airports still retain the idiotic, absolutely useless processes which they copycatted after 911; such as removing one’s shoes and separating one’s laptops. We understand the regulations for entering America…that’s a different issue. But to impose these waste-of-time procedures (NO ONE UNDERSTANDS) for inter-island travel in the region is demonstrably ridiculous. No country in this region has the analytics to assess a laptop or shoes or a tub of Shea-butter!

One could understand if we eliminated the other logistical inconveniences and kept the ones we copied slavishly from America. But keeping both without regard to the suffering imposed on our own people travelling is demotic.

Once you’ve walked 1000 meters in the Sun, sweating like a mountain goat, and entered the barbecue pit which is the plane, the flights are quite comfy and the staff are sweet and lovely…not to mention to [sic] views out the window. But in my case…cause God mistook me for Job…sat next to me was a sweet lady. She had a TELEVISION…an entire flatscreen television…covering the window at our seat. She had one bag under the seat which appeared large enough to have three dead people in it. And another bag in her lap with enough bottles of lotion to moisturise all of Trinidad. When I sat…she said in the greatest understatement since Jesus shocked the Pharisees: “it’s kinda jam up”. “Indubitably” was my quite reply.

Once one lands in Providenciales…you walk back to Jamaica…that how long is the walk to the transit lounge.

WAIT! What am I talking about…THERE IS NO TRANSIT LOUNGE!

There is an accidental hallway, with a luggage scanner jammed into it like scaffolding in an elevator…and passengers - in the most cruel and unconscionable process of my entire trip - must stand outside on the tarmac, in the Sun…and wait for the door to the pit of hell to be opened. Old people, women with little children…all must stand there as if waiting outside a one toilet outhouse.

It is wrong and must be changed immediately…it is below TCI to allow such a thing.

Additionally, this process is utterly brainless. You leave Jamaica or Dominican Republic, you’ve passed through security with all the useless, idiotic processes…you deplane for transit and must have your handhelds scanned again, for what: the Bazooka you bought in duty free?

Once you make it into the departure lounge - your spleen and patience stretched to the limit - there aren’t enough seats, the air is stale, everything costs $11 dollars…and they’ve rented out every corner of the departure lounge like a ghetto fairground for retail tourist trap shops!

Then…you are marched out to walk in the Sun…the 40 years in the wilderness to find the land of Canaan, to get to the plane.

Again, the flight is pleasant the staff are sweet and lovely and the views are divine…except for the mattress sized TV in my case!

One lands at Nassau and the torture begins anew: mainly you must walk to Gethsemane, across the isles of Patmos, down Berma Road to get to immigration. I denounce this as idiocy, cruelty and stupidity. Why should you suffer thus in your own country with a design so clueless about human comfort?

Whether is supposed to spur innovation. Denmark has bad weather, as does Finland, Sweden, Switzerland so that motivated them toward innovation as a means of cultivating comfort. We seem to just copy form anywhere (mostly Fort Lauderdale for Jesus sake), and force ourselves into their designs, which anticipates NOTHING about our actual lives.


If cooling the plane and gangways is expensive…why isn’t that our first innovation with solar power to ensure comfort and convenience in planeing and deplaneling?

In principle, the hotter it is outside, the cooler the gangway and the plane would be, without adding to energy costs!

It’s specific, measurable, small scale and if it works, everyone would copy us….AND I LIKE THAT!

During COVID I travelled to Dubai. Upon landing, there must have been 20-30,000 people from the various arrivals.

In minutes the airport lines were gone!


Cause dey fast?

Their hands don’t move any faster than ours.

No! They did something before they built the airport: they committed to eliminating lines as part of an ambition to build a spectacular airport in which the first consideration was HUMAN COMFORT!

How can we claim to be hospitality destinations when domestic and inter-Caribbean travel is wretched, stupid, cruel and demotic?

“Charity begins…”, y’all been to Sunday school….!

Tuesday, September 6, 2022

Money, Crypto and Central Bank Digital Currency

Existing and emerging forms of digital money, and their implications for finance, monetary policy, international capital flows and the organization of societies

Reimagining Money in the Age of Crypto and Central Bank Digital Currency

By Gita Bhatt

Digital Money Today
The recent plunge in crypto assets has left investors numbed by losses and surely in doubt.  But the future of money is undoubtedly digital.  The question is, what will it look like?  In our latest issue of Finance & Development, some of the world’s leading experts try to answer this complex and politically charged question.

Of course, digital money has been developing for some time already.  New technologies hope to democratize finance and broaden access to financial products and services.  A main goal is to achieve much cheaper, instantaneous domestic and cross-border payments.  The gains could be especially great for people in developing countries.

Cornell’s Eswar Prasad takes us on a tour of existing and emerging forms of digital money and looks at the implications for finance, monetary policy, international capital flows—even the organization of societies.

Not every form of digital money will prove viable.  Bitcoin, now down nearly 70 percent from its November peak, and other crypto assets fail as money, says Singapore’s Ravi Menon, among others.  While they are actively traded and heavily speculated on, prices are divorced from any underlying economic value.  Stablecoins are designed to rein in the volatility, but many have proved to be anything but stable, Menon adds, and depend on the quality of the reserve assets backing them.

Still, journalist Michael Casey argues, decentralized finance and crypto are not only here to stay but can address real-world problems such as the energy crisis.

Regulation is key.  The regulatory fabric is being woven, and a pattern is expected to emerge, explain the IMF’s Aditya Narain and Marina Moretti.  But the longer this takes, they argue, the more national authorities will get locked into differing regulatory frameworks.  They call for globally coordinated regulation to bring order to markets, help instill consumer confidence, and provide a safe space for innovation.

Meanwhile, central banks are considering their own digital currencies.  Bank for International Settlements chief Agustín Carstens and his coauthors suggest that central banks should harness the technological innovations offered by crypto while also providing a crucial foundation of trust.  Privacy and cybersecurity risks can be managed with responsibly designed central bank digital currencies, adds the Atlantic Council’s Josh Lipsky.

Elsewhere in the issue, our contributors look at the benefits and drawbacks of decentralized finance, the future of cross-border payments, and how India and countries in Africa are advancing the digital payment frontier.

It’s too early to tell how the digital landscape will evolve.  But with the right policy and regulatory choices, we can imagine a future with a mix of government and privately backed currencies held safely in the digital wallets of billions of people.

Thank you, as ever, for reading us.


Sunday, September 4, 2022

The benefits of digital transformation in the public sector

The post-implementation impact of digital transformation in Latin America

Digitalization improves people's lives by making it easier for them to access services

IDB finds digital services drive 74% savings for businesses and citizens of São Paulo city

Brazil is a leading country in digital transformation of the public sector

  • Brazilian municipality obtained a return of 27 reals for every real invested in digital transformation.
  • The study analyzed costs related to travel, wait times, shipping, human resources and other aspects.

Digital transformation in the public sector
A study conducted by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) based on data from the City of São Paulo, “Economic benefits of the digital transformation of public services (only in Spanish and Portuguese) found that each 1 real invested in digitalizing public services generated a return, or annual savings, of 27 reals to the public administration.

The study quantifying the benefits of digital transformation in the public sector concluded that digital transformation saved citizens and companies an average of 74% of the unit cost of public service request. For services for individuals only, the average reduction was 83%, while savings on services for companies were 67%.

For citizens and businesses, the study analyzed changes in the volume of requests, costs associated with travel, wait times, printing and mailing documents, and other aspects.

“The results of this study, which is among the first to assess the post-implementation impact of digital transformation in Latin America, prove expected outcomes: large savings for both citizens and government”, said IDB Representative in Brazil Morgan Doyle.

“In addition to reducing costs, digitalization improves people's lives by making it easier for them to access services.  Brazil stands out in the delivery of digital public services, and the IDB provides technical and financial resources so it can continue to pursue this path. Digitalization is a priority of Vision 2025, our blueprint for achieving a sustainable and inclusive economic recovery”, he added.

The researchers also analyzed the impact for government administration, considering costs related to human resources, physical space and investment in digitalization, among others, and they found an average drop of 40% in the unit cost of a service request, as well as saving of 50% on human resources who directly provide public services. Meanwhile, 19% less staff were needed to handle requests.  These changes gains from digitalization allow officials or employees to be reallocated to other activities, expanding government capacity.

Evidence-based knowledge generation

This study forms part of IDB’s efforts to support evidence-based knowledge generation and thus drive digitization in the public sector.  The bank also supports the Brazilian digital transformation with financial resources, such as the US$1 billion Brazil Mais Digital credit line, and through initiatives such as the Rede Gov.Br Platform, where it partners with the federal government to propel digital transformation in Brazilian municipal governments.

“Brazil is a leading country in digital transformation of the public sector, and this study shows that digitalization is key to increase the efficiency of public services”, according to Susana Cordeiro Guerra, Department Manager of Institutions for the Development of the IDB.

“At the IDB, we are committed to measuring the effectiveness of development and we hope that the lessons learned from the Brazilian experience will serve as an important input for the design of digital transformation strategies for other countries in the region.”

The results of the study are based on the digitalization of 15 service request processes, which make up 22% of the Municipality’s volume of digital services. These processes include unlocking passwords for individual micro-entrepreneurs, student transportation electronic tickets, parking permits for people with disabilities, and services linked to property taxes.

The analysis covers digitalization of the process of registering and directing the request to the appropriate person rather than performing the service itself, since some services have steps that must be face-to-face.

Digitalization is one of several channels in an integrated service delivery strategy that also considers groups who use digital media less, such as older people.  But it is extremely relevant: an IDB survey published in 2021 showed that the vast majority of the Brazilian population is ready for more and better digital services.  The survey found that 86% of Brazilians already feel adapted to online life and 95% have internet access from their cell phones.


Friday, August 26, 2022

First blockchain bonds have been successfully issued in Latin America and the Caribbean

Blockchain technology in Latin America and the Caribbean
The experience of carrying out the first bond issue using blockchain in Latin America and the Caribbean showcases the benefits of new decentralized technologies like blockchain, increasing the efficiency of the region’s capital market, including secondary markets.

IDB Group and Davivienda Bank Issue Colombia's First Blockchain Bond

The COP$110 million bond is a pilot project developed within the Financial Superintendence of Colombia’s “sandbox” for regulatory innovation

The IDB Group — comprised of the Inter-American Development Bank, IDB Invest and IDB Lab — and Colombia’s Davivienda Bank successfully issued the first blockchain bonds in Latin America and the Caribbean, as a pilot project within Colombia’s regulatory innovation sandbox. This pilot is the first of its kind in the region.

The processes of authorization, initial registration, and subsequent cancellation of the bond's registration in the National Registry of Securities and Issuers (RNVE), as well as the issue, trading, payment registration and compliance of the bond were done entirely on blockchain.  This approach allowed the banks to test ways to streamline the process and bring down its costs over a complete trading cycle on the Colombian capital market.

The bond, underwritten in its entirety by IDB Invest, had a total issue size of COP$110 million.  It was purchased by IDB Invest through a transaction conducted on the LACChain blockchain network, the infrastructure enabled by IDB Lab as a regional public good.  The pilot issue was carried out within "la Arenera" -- the sandbox of the Financial Superintendence of Colombia for testing innovations in financial technology (fintech).  IDB Group provided logistical and regulatory support for the project.

The Bank of the Republic of Colombia, which is the country’s central bank, and the Financial Superintendence of Colombia supervised the entire processes of the bond’s trading and compliance cycles.

“Davivienda has been one of the pioneers in working with blockchain technology in Colombia.  On this occasion, we are very pleased to announce the success of this first pilot, which we had the opportunity to develop together with such important partners.  The use of this technology transforms the role of actors in the securities market and the way in which bonds are issued and processed, resulting in a more transparent, rapid, and secure market.  This facilitates a reduction in the costs and complexity of issuance, allowing for more and more participants.  In this way, the success of this pilot represents an opportunity to continue working towards financial inclusion, in this instance in the stock market.”  Javier Suárez, President of Davivienda indicated.

“This goes to show how joint work by the IDB Group and countries’ public and private sectors can lead to innovation in the capital markets.  The pilot opens the door to fundamental changes to the existing axioms of securities trading and allows new models to be explored in the future to generate more financial inclusion.  We hope this experience can be replicated in similar pilot projects in Latin America and the Caribbean,” said Kelvin Suero, Acting Representative of the IDB Group in Colombia.

The pilot was spearheaded by a multidisciplinary team from Davivienda Bank, IDB Group, SFC, Bank of the Republic of Colombia and LACChain.  The team devised the financial, operational, technological, legal and regulatory solutions that made the pilot issue possible.  The experience of carrying out the first bond issue using blockchain in Latin America and the Caribbean showcases the benefits of new decentralized technologies like blockchain, increasing the efficiency of the region’s capital market, including secondary markets.  The project lays the groundwork for promoting and encouraging the use of new technologies in finance for Colombia.

About the Inter-American Development Bank

The Inter-American Development Bank is devoted to improving lives.  Established in 1959, the IDB is a leading source of long-term financing for economic, social, and institutional development in Latin America and the Caribbean. The IDB also conducts cutting-edge research and provides policy advice, technical assistance, and training to public and private sector clients throughout the region. Take our virtual tour.

About IDB Invest

IDB Invest a member of the IDB Group, is a multilateral development bank committed to promoting the economic development of its member countries in Latin America and the Caribbean through the private sector.  IDB Invest finances sustainable companies and projects to achieve financial results and maximize economic, social, and environmental development in the region.  With a portfolio of $14.8 billion in assets under management and 376 clients in 25 countries, IDB Invest provides innovative financial solutions and advisory services that meet the needs of its clients in a variety of industries.

About IDB Lab

IDB Lab is the innovation laboratory of the IDB Group, the main source of financing and knowledge for development to improve lives in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC).  The purpose of IDB Lab is to drive innovation for inclusion in the region by mobilizing financing, knowledge, and connections to co-create solutions capable of transforming the lives of groups that are vulnerable due to economic, social, or environmental conditions.  Since 1993, IDB Lab has approved more than $2 billion in projects in 26 LAC countries, including investments in more than 90 venture capital funds.

About Davivienda

At Davivienda, we believe in a financial world that makes life simpler for people, communities, businesses and cities.  As a result, today we are a team of over 17,000 people in Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras, El Salvador and Miami who innovate; invest in knowledge, talent, and technology; and partner to seek best practices around the world. We do all this to provide everyday solutions and exclusive opportunities to over 20.4 million customers, supporting financial inclusion and sustainable development. We are currently the second largest bank by gross loans in Colombia,* with a network of over 660 branches and nearly 2,700 ATMs in Colombia and at our international subsidiaries. We are proud to form part of Grupo Bolívar. *Financial Superintendence of Colombia, figures as of March 2022.


Friday, August 19, 2022

Open letter to U.S. President Joe Biden demands the end to sanctions against Cuba

"Now more than ever, it’s time to write a new page in U.S.-Cuban relations..."

Open letter to Biden demands a new page in relations with Cuba

By  |

Help Cuba USA
A prominent group of U.S. politicians, intellectuals, scientists, clergymen, artists, musicians, leaders and activists sent an open letter to U.S. President Joe Biden to demand the end of sanctions against Cuba, especially at this difficult moment, when they are working for the recovery after the incident at the Matanzas Supertanker Base.

" Now more than ever, it’s time to write a new page in U.S.-Cuban relations.  We are making an urgent, public appeal to you to reject the cruel policies put into place by the Trump White House that have already created so much suffering among the Cuban people," they posted on the website

" U.S. sanctions fuel the fires that rage in Cuba!  Despite assurances by the U.S. Embassy in Havana that the law authorizes U.S. entities and organizations to provide disaster relief and response, Trump’s 243 sanctions continue to prevent urgently needed aid from arriving in Cuba," they add.

It stresses that the U.S. loses nothing by being a good neighbor and lifting the 243 sanctions that are preventing Cuba from recovering from this tragic moment.

" When your neighbor’s house is on fire, the normal human reaction is to rush next door to help.  To save lives.  To extinguish the flames.  Cuba is our neighbor.!  It is unconscionable, especially during a tragic accident, to block remittances and Cuba’s use of global financial institutions, given that access to dollars is necessary to import food and medicine," they said.

The Biden administration can do more than offer technical advice.  It can immediately remove Cuba from the List of State Sponsors of Terrorism, they demanded.

Signatories to the text include Roger Waters, Cornel West, Judith Butler, Noam Chomsky, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Jeremy Corbyn, Rev. Liz Theoharis, Seun Kuti, Vijay Prashad, among others such as Gail Walker, Brian Becker, Cindy Weisner, Claudia De la Cruz, David Adler, David Harvey, Gabriel Rockhill, Gerald Horne, Gina Belafonte, Helen Yaffe, Jennifer Ponce De Leon, Jeremy Corbyn, Jia Hong, Jodie Evans, Judith Butler, Manolo De Los Santos, Manu Karuka, Phillip Agnew, Robin D. G. Kelly, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Salvatore Engel-Di Mauro, Seun Kuti and Yasemin Zahra.


Sunday, August 14, 2022

Haiti is a failed State and a weak and vulnerable society which must be resolved by Haitians

Bringing peace to Haiti demands an absolutely critical step: there must be justice for the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse 

Democracy and Security in Haiti

Statement of the OAS General Secretariat on Haiti

  August 8, 2022

Democracy and Security

Haiti Crisis in the Americas
The institutional crisis that Haiti is experiencing right now is a direct result of the actions taken by the country's endogenous forces and by the international community.

The last 20 years of the international community's presence in Haiti has amounted to one of the worst and clearest failures implemented and executed within the framework of any international cooperation.

This is not to blame the individuals who, with a vocation for service and altruism, worked as cooperators and made their best efforts—in some cases giving their lives—for Haiti.  These persons deserve our greatest respect and remembrance.

Instead, this failure has to do with 20 years of erratic political strategy by an international community that was not capable of facilitating the construction of a single institution with the capacity to address the problems facing Haitians.  After 20 years, not a single institution is stronger than it was before.

It was under this umbrella provided by the international community that the criminal gangs that today lay siege to the country fermented and germinated, even as the process of deinstitutionalization and political crisis that we see today grew and took shape.

Then, seeing its failure, the international community left Haiti, leaving chaos, destruction, and violence behind.

Right now, it is absurd to think that in this context of destruction, the Haitians—left completely alone, polarized, and with very few resources—would be able to rebuild or build the kind of security, deinstitutionalization, and development project that could enable its 12 million inhabitants to once again live in peaceful coexistence: Without resources, in a climate of violence, without technological capabilities, without financial accumulation, without any of that today, they want us to believe a completely endogenous Haitian solution could prosper.  This is not so.

Without the basic conditions of democracy and security, the country today is suffering from the international community’s lack of ideas and real capacity, as well as from its own structural problems.  This is the international community that never knew if it should leave the MINUSTAH in place or remove it, an international community that thought that contributing money was the same as having ideas, an international community that thought that paying its own consultants would solve Haitians’ problems.  Obviously none of that was possible and none of this is possible.


Building democracy requires citizens, strong institutions that must be constantly strengthened, and a political system with the capacity for dialogue, as well as honesty.  Essentially, it requires the branches of State government to be in place and with the independent capacity to act.  It requires the exercise of and full respect for liberties and fundamental guarantees (and for the State to ensure it) in the framework of the fullest possible exercise of economic and social rights, along with an electoral process that is trustworthy, fair, and transparent.

The exercise of power in keeping with the rule of law and administrative and institutional efficiency in providing solutions to Haitians’ problems are basic conditions for the functioning of the State that were never guaranteed by the international community in Haiti, that were never built by the international community in Haiti, and that Haiti fundamentally does not have.  We should be clear that what we are facing is, more or less, a failed State and a weak and vulnerable society.  The worst of all worlds: a weak State and a weak civil society.

This must be resolved by Haitians, there is no question about that.  But the international community has a role to play.

Haitian society is very vulnerable and polarized.  Its institutions are weak, its organizations are weak, and the path must be struck toward building them from zero, or even less than zero.

Without reducing polarization, without building capacities and bridges between Haitians, this will not be possible.  Without dialogue, it is impossible.

Building Haitian democracy means encouraging capacity for dialogue, which includes building mutual trust among the various social and political actors in Haiti.  Today, there is no system of checks and balances, neither politically nor socially.  On the contrary, violence is prevalent, as is the abuse of force internally, actions with criminal intent, failed institutions, and a lack of civil society capacity.

Bringing peace to the country demands an absolutely critical step: there must be justice for the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse.  Without shedding light on the truth and without justice, no progress can ever be made towards reconciliation and harmony.

To begin to address these issues, the following processes must be built up:

• An institutionalized and inclusive process of dialogue that includes all the political forces that can possibly be brought together for it.  Within that process, the international community can contribute resources and build bridges between the stakeholders to strengthen all of them and place them on a path towards building organizational and institutional capacities.
• A trustworthy, fair, transparent electoral process.
• An institutional security process for the country.

These processes require the cooperation of the international community, obviously in everything with regard to the necessary resources, whether financial, human, or material.

We would be fooling ourselves to think that any of this could be built without the support of the international community, that none of these processes are needed to ensure the country can find its way out of the crisis facing it and that still impacts the country’s political and socioeconomic outlook. This will not be possible without the international community paying the bill.  Not many members of the international community have the capacity to do so.  Therefore, the responsibility for paying this bill falls to only a few who must not and cannot delay in taking up their responsibility, as time is running out for Haiti, with everything that is happening simply worsening the situation.

Obviously, we should expect internal Haitian forces to oppose these three processes, to oppose the institutionalized dialogue because that process can have the advantage of bringing political stability to the country, which would seriously impact a number of interests that today prevail in Haiti.  Obviously, those forces will also oppose a trustworthy, fair, and transparent electoral process because the current ways and means of taking power have been completely different.  There will also certainly be opposition to developing an institutional security process for the country with a strong commitment of the international community because doing so would dismantle the current situation in which violence perpetrated by armed gangs and organized crime predominates.

When we look at Haiti’s current situation, we understand why there were internal forces—with external complicity—that wanted MINUSTAH withdrawn.  Doing so simply paved the way for a situation like the one we have today.

It is absolutely necessary to reverse the process of violence by implementing other institutional conditions and securing a different international commitment to bring the violence under control and disarm the armed gangs.  It is crucial to reign in the territorial operations of organized criminal groups.  But more of the human, financial, and material resources for this must come from the international community.  Haiti does not have the prepared and trained human resources.  It does not have the financial capacity, nor does it have the technical capacity to address the current security situation.  Taking another path would therefore be a complete distortion of reality.

Similar capacities must be developed to implement a process of dialogue leading to a free and fair electoral process.  We believe that the entire international community has a role to play, but it is crucial to concentrate all of the resources for these processes into a single institutionalized and centralized mechanism, not overlapping and ineffective volunteer efforts.

These processes are absolutely necessary, and it is crucial to launch them as soon as possible, with the dialogue process being the first one.  It should be assumed that the other two processes will be based on the first, not on completely external extemporaneous decisions not aligned with what the country’s social and political culture are capable of receiving and doing.  However, it is obvious that Haiti does not have the resources and that the resources have to be provided to Haiti through an institutionalized process by the international community with a strong monitoring component and capacity to combat corruption to prevent the resources from being diverted and misused.

Bringing peace to the country demands an absolutely critical step: there must be justice for the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse.  Without the truth being brought to light and without justice, no progress can ever be made towards reconciliation and harmony.

Based on the work done under these three processes, a new Constitution will have to be drafted that fixes the grave deficiencies and problems of the current Constitution.

• An autonomous, strong, and responsible Central Bank
• A strong, efficient, and independent justice system
• An educational system capable of providing real solutions to the needs of Haitian youth and children
• An incremental investment process toward providing work and jobs to Haitian men and women

Ignoring this need would mean completely ignoring reality.  Taking the approach of waiting for Haiti to develop its own capacities without international assistance would take years.  The country does not today, nor will it in the near future, have the conditions for accomplishing this alone.

Attempting to resolve the crisis and Haiti's serious problems without any of these elements would mean we are in the final phase of self-deception, which would not be so bad except for the fact that we are also deceiving the Haitian people into believing that we have a real solution for them.

As we continue to wait for the situation in Haiti to improve, the problems worsen.  According to UNICEF, many schools have been closed for three years due to the COVID-19 pandemic.  Attempts to reopen them have been frustrated by the criminal violence affecting communities throughout the country and the extortion to which school authorities are subjected.

The international community, international financial institutions, the multilateral system, and the international financial community of donor countries must make a decision: whether they want to industrialize Haiti sufficiently to ensure work for nine million Haitians, or whether it is economically more profitable to continue absorbing Haitian migrants and let host countries accommodate them as and how they can and in such economic conditions as they can offer.  This is a critical decision because on it depends whether the Haitian situation continues in a state of permanent crisis with increasingly tragic dimensions, or whether we can move toward a process of transformation in which we ensure sufficient investments on sustainable terms and, therefore, the social stability of the country.  It is necessary to ensure a strategy that includes the “what comes after?” aspect.  That includes the importance of the educational model and job security conditions.

Furthermore, Haiti's future prosperity depends on the development of its youth. Chronic malnutrition in children is irreversible, reducing their cognitive capacity by 40%. To build a sustainable future in Haiti, its human capital must be highly trained and able to compete in local and international job markets.  The current deficiencies in food security, caused by the low investment in agriculture and the difficulties of transporting food due to blockades imposed by criminal groups and poor infrastructure will only move the country further from its goal of eliminating extreme poverty.

In order to stop the academic backsliding and the malnutrition suffered by Haiti’s children as quickly as possible, the internal war must be ended.  We publicly reiterate our request for an end to armed violence in the country.

It is urgent to continue working to increase security and begin the democratization process.