Artificial Intelligence - AI Adoption in Latin America and the Caribbean

While AI adoption is moving fast in other parts of the world, Latin America and the Caribbean face a more basic challenge: access

By Liliana Serrano Pájaro

What comes to mind when you hear the words “artificial intelligence”? When we posed this question to students at two public schools in Colombia, their answers ranged from giggles to thoughtful silence—and one unforgettable response: 
 
“AI is like a unicorn-duck. It doesn’t exist.  It’s just something made up on computers or phones.” 

Her words captured something that many students across Latin America and the Caribbean are feeling: AI may be a hot topic, but it still feels distant – mythical, even.  Yes, it’s making its way into classrooms, but it hasn’t yet taken root in education systems across the region.

Without Access, There’s No Transformation 

While AI adoption is moving fast in other parts of the world, Latin America and the Caribbean face a more basic challenge: access.  In the U.S., nearly 40% of young people were already using generative AI tools by late 2022 – a much faster uptake than for the internet or computers.

In the region, 1 in 10 students still doesn’t have a computer at school, and 2 in 10 lack internet access.  This digital divide makes it hard to integrate AI into classrooms meaningfully.  Compared to OECD countries, where more than 90% of schools have internet for learning, the gap is clear.  The truth is, reliable internet, electricity, and devices remain out of reach for many schools in our region, making it impossible to unlock AI’s full potential.  That’s why our new publication urges a realistic approach: drawing on decades of experience, it provides a roadmap to help countries harness AI responsibly and equitably. 

Turning AI into Real Opportunity

Even as AI unlocks new possibilities, we must ask: Who truly benefits?  Can rural students without internet benefit as much as their urban peers?  Are we training teachers well enough, not just buying tech?  Are we protecting students’ data as carefully as we protect their safety?

These questions brought global experts and regional leaders together for the event “AI & Education: Challenge Accepted!” hosted by the IDB.  This was more than a conference – it was a call to rethink how AI can build inclusive, future-ready education systems in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The Carvajalino Sisters, three young entrepreneurs and co-founders of The Biz Nation, opened the event with an inspiring talk about empowering thousands of young people across Latin America and the Caribbean through skills and innovation.  Throughout the event, speakers highlighted that AI could help personalize learning, make education systems more efficient, and support decision-making, but it should complement teachers, not replace them.  Some of the key takeaways from the event included: 

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• Equity comes first.  Without equity, there is no true digital transformation.  The lack of reliable internet, devices, and even electricity in many public schools across the region threatens to leave millions of students behind. Building up basic infrastructure is the first step. 

• Teachers must be at the heart of the strategy.  AI should enhance, not replace, educators.  Innovative models like Alpha School, 2-Hour Learning, and Minerva University show how AI can help optimize learning time, while tools created by organizations like Eedi and Stanford University’s National Student Support Accelerator emphasize the importance of keeping teachers at the center – guiding, supporting, and connecting with students. 

• Clear policies are critical.  Countries need strong regulatory frameworks, robust student data protection, and public policies that align with their education goals.  System-level strategies like Uruguay’s EduIA Lab and Brazil’s Gestão Presente program with Letrus provide practical roadmaps. These examples show that meaningful AI integration doesn’t start with the newest tools, but with thoughtful public investment and comprehensive data policies. 

A Long-Term Vision Is Essential.

With the rapid pace of AI development, education systems need to do more than react – they must anticipate. This means aligning education with labor market trends and fostering digital literacy, critical thinking, and adaptability.  Programs like PowerSchool in the United States and Stemi in Croatia are leading examples of how AI solutions and public-private partnerships can better connect schools with the skills that industries need. 

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• AI should be a catalyst for deeper learning, not just a shortcut for routine tasks. 
  
  
• Adopting AI must be guided by principles of inclusion, ethics, and responsibility, helping develop digital citizens who can strengthen their communities, engage in respectful dialogue, and shape public policy.  In this spirit, ISTE is redefining digital citizenship, showing that we must move beyond traditional fear-based approaches and focus on empowering responsible, proactive use.

The Road Ahead One student described AI as a unicorn-duck – something imaginary.  But AI is already here.  How we make it real, fair, and useful for everyone is what matters.  At the IDB, we’re committed to helping countries across Latin America and the Caribbean use AI to expand access, improve outcomes, and close gaps.  This event was just the beginning of a vital conversation. The real challenge isn’t whether we embrace AI, but how we do it and who we bring along. 

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Renewable Energy curtailment is an issue that cannot be ignored in Latin America and the Caribbean

Countries like Chile and Brazil are already showing significant figures, reflecting that the accelerated growth of renewable energies has not been matched by proportional transmission expansion or adequate regulatory adjustments

The Challenge of Renewable Energy Curtailment

By Arturo D. Alarcón - Martha Carvalho

Indeed, everyone has seen the image of a hydroelectric power plant releasing millions of cubic meters of water through its spillway.  But why does this happen?  Usually, it’s due to an excess flow not anticipated in operational planning or electrical system constraints.

The term “curtailment” has recently been used to describe what happens in solar and wind power plants when they must limit their energy generation due to a lack of transmission capacity or operational restrictions.  The metaphor suggests that we are ‘wasting’ sun and wind by restricting generation and being unable to harness all the energy, letting it continue its course in nature without being utilized.

How Much Energy Is Not Being Used?

Curtailment of energy in wind and solar power plants is not a new issue.  This process occurs in several countries where the growth of these energy sources has not been matched by a proportional increase in transmission capacity and/or when demand does not keep up with electricity generation.

For example, in the United Kingdom, limitations on energy generation began about 15 years ago.  Currently, nearly 20% of the wind energy generated in the north is not utilized due to transmission restrictions to the south, where the main demand centers are concentrated.  The California Interconnected System (CAISO) has experienced increased energy generation constraints since 2019, mainly from solar sources.  In 2022 alone, 2.4 TWh of solar and wind power generation was curtailed, representing a 63% increase compared to 2021 due to transmission system limitations.

This issue is gaining relevance in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly in countries that have implemented successful policies to promote solar and wind development but have not developed the transmission system at the same pace.  In Chile, curtailment represented 9.72% of net renewable generation in 2023; in the first quarter of 2024, it had already reached 18.7%.  In Brazil, generation curtailment reached about 10% for wind energy and 17% for solar energy in December 2024, with an upward trend.

Who Bears the Cost of Unused Energy?

Generation curtailment costs the system because the energy not generated by renewable plants—by definition, zero marginal cost energy—must be supplied to the system by other sources (usually thermal or reservoir hydropower, which has a cost above zero) to meet demand needs.

Beyond the additional generation cost, the question arises: Who should bear the cost of the unutilized energy?  This depends on regulatory arrangements.  It could be the power plant owner or the system losing revenue directly.  In some countries, the market compensates plants for the energy that could not be generated if the curtailment was due to system limitations, a cost ultimately passed on to users.

For instance, generator compensation is granted in Brazil only when curtailment occurs due to transmission system unavailability exceeding a certain number of hours defined annually.  The Brazilian market does not compensate generators if generation is limited for system reliability needs or because generation exceeds demand.  Financial compensation for Latin America’s wind and solar energy curtailment is still under development.  Except for Brazil, where a defined regulation already exists, other countries in the region have not yet established precise mechanisms for this compensation.

This issue needs detailed analysis, as regulatory decisions related to curtailment compensation can influence the viability of renewable energy investments, impacting financial flows and developers’ risk perception.

How to Solve Curtailment, and to What Extent?

Energy generation constraints can be technically mitigated through various strategies that involve infrastructure expansion and regulatory adjustments to achieve a better balance between supply and demand. Key strategies include:

• Increasing transmission capacity from generation to demand centers.  Although this would be the “ideal” technical solution, it may not be immediate due to the time required for permits and construction.  Capacity can also be increased by changing conductors (reconductoring) or using technologies that allow increased flows in existing networks (Grid Enhancing Technologies), which generally take less time to implement than a new line.
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• Energy storage also offers a solution during periods of high generation, making energy available during peak demand hours.  Hybrid projects (generation and storage as a single investment) or stand-alone storage projects operating in a market can be viable.  For the latter, regulations must allow for arbitrage or provide incentives for flexibility.
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• Demand-side management encourages demand to use the energy that would otherwise be curtailed, for example, in energy-intensive industries, data centers, and thermal storage that can respond to price signals.  It is crucial to implement demand response mechanisms not only for large consumers but also for low-voltage users.  This requires developing adequate market designs and investing in smart meters that facilitate real-time consumption integration and optimization.
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• Trading surplus energy in neighboring markets: When generation exceeds demand, energy trading with neighboring countries could accommodate surpluses, reducing curtailment.  For example, in CAISO, the real-time market allows participants outside the system to buy and sell energy to balance supply and demand.  In 2022, these transactions avoided over 10% of curtailment.  Implementing this solution requires regulatory arrangements and interconnection infrastructure.

From a planning perspective, it is possible to identify an optimal level of curtailment, considering the total system cost.  In some cases, it may be more efficient from a global optimal perspective to allow a certain degree of generation curtailment rather than excessively oversizing the transmission infrastructure, which would result in a higher system cost.  Determining this level requires detailed studies and adjustments in market design that do not jeopardize renewable energy investments, as previously mentioned.

This Is Just the Beginning

Energy curtailment is an issue that cannot be ignored in Latin America and the Caribbean.  Countries like Chile and Brazil are already showing significant figures, reflecting that the accelerated growth of renewable energies has not been matched by proportional transmission expansion or adequate regulatory adjustments.  Countries adopting wind and solar development strategies will face similar challenges in the coming years.

Addressing this challenge will require building more transmission infrastructure and exploring solutions like storage, flexibility in supply and demand, and Grid-Enhancing Technologies.  Each of these strategies requires improved long-term planning to anticipate the expansion of transmission and/or storage and regulatory and market model adjustments to provide the right incentives.

The final challenge will be balancing the cost of expanding the grid and the acceptable level of curtailment for the system.  This will force us to reflect on how we plan our networks and regulate markets, ensuring that investments are viable and that we can fully harness the region’s enormous renewable potential.

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Partners in Climate Financing Solution

The fight against climate change is only just beginning, and soon enough we will need to rely on a new generation of environmental leaders...

The Bahamas Prime Minister, Philip Davis’ Remarks at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change

SEPTEMBER 28, 2023

Fellow Heads of State and Ministers, 

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Good morning:

I’ll begin by thanking the people and the government of Grenada for hosting us so graciously; it is wonderful to be here together.

I know we’re all looking forward to building on the progress we made last year in The Bahamas.

It is a source of great encouragement that our region, home to such a beautiful and vast diversity of peoples and languages and societies, can unite on key issues as we confront a new era of climate crisis.

The urgency of our work could not be clearer.

Even in the best-case scenarios – even if the world can make significant progress in reducing fossil fuel emissions (progress that in reality is far from assured) – for the foreseeable future, our region will continue to experience warming oceans, rising waters, and more intense hurricanes.

Since the start of the Industrial Revolution, more than a trillion tons of carbon dioxide have been released into our earth’s atmosphere.

Try as they might to skirt around the issue, the industrialized North will need to make the most sizable adjustments.  It is, after all, their development which has brought us to this point.

We must call on our partners in the North to deliver on the commitment they made at COP15 in Copenhagen, to mobilise US$100 billion per year by 2021.  This is the very same goal, which was reiterated at COP21 in Paris, and extended to 2025.

To date, they have yet to reach this target.

My friends, it makes no sense shooting arrows at new targets, when the bullseye of two decades before has yet to be hit.

As COP28 approaches, it is crucial that we, the developing countries on the frontlines of the climate crisis, hold the developed world to account.  Whether they honour their commitments could mean the difference between a mere disturbance and another Dorian – that devastating Category 5 super storm, the likes of which my country had never seen and is still recovering from.

To further the interests of the Caribbean, which are much the same as small island developing states (SIDS) in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, we must speak as one region, united by clear ideas and a common purpose.  We may operate in different geopolitical contexts, but we all lie in the same hurricane alley, we all rely, to a certain extent, on the tourist economy, and we all share common strands of a beautiful island culture under threat.

Let us use this occasion to marry our voices, to make ourselves heard.

I pushed for this regular meeting on the UN calendar because I strongly believe that the Caribbean can accomplish anything it sets its mind to.

I grew up on a small island in The Bahamas that is big on community.  It was the kind of tight knit place where even your neighbours felt like family, and that is exactly how I feel about all of you.

My brothers and sisters, ours is a common heritage, and a shared future.  Let us use this forum to identify our priorities, focus our efforts, and fight for a sustainable future.   A future in which the months from June to November do not spell certain doom for the countries of the Caribbean.

Key to a future in which our region flourishes will be our sustained commitment to seeing a loss and damage fund come to full fruition.  The adoption of this fund at COP27 was a remarkable achievement of Caribbean solidarity, one which we cannot afford to let fall by the wayside.

The time has come to double down on our efforts.  To tell these developed nations to “write the cheque”, as they have kicked the can down the road for far too long.  We cannot leave COP28 without the first pledge for funding identified.  This is no minor undertaking.  But if they are the big tree, we are the small axe!

And just as we hold the developed world to account, so too must we take active strides to enhance our own climate resilience.

Last week, I travelled to New York to take part in the Clinton Global Initiative, a community of doers committed to addressing the most pressing issues of our time.  At that forum, I was pleased to announce a new initiative, The Bahamas Sustainable Investment Programme or “BSIP” – a three-year economic and investment programme that is aligned with our Paris Agreement pledges and the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

If The Bahamas, or indeed the Caribbean, is to succeed, we cannot be passive actors.  We must find our own solutions.  With this programme, we are spearheading our own climate financing solution, and we invite the region, and the world, to partner with us.

Much like the Bridgetown Initiative, this is about more than just expanding access to funding, it’s about developing a practical pathway to climate justice and global equity.

It goes without saying that the present international financial process is unsustainable.  I would go as far as to call it egregious.  As SIDS, we are grappling with colossal impacts of a climate crisis we did not precipitate.  We are shouldering disproportionate debt burdens.  In some cases, such as in The Bahamas, climate change-related debt amounts to over half of total GDP.  This is not only an enormous figure, it is an unjust figure.

International financial institutions need to be overhauled to deliver on a fit-for-purpose approach to lending due to loss and damage from climate impacts.  These institutions, in tandem with International Multilateral Development Banks, must re-evaluate their purpose, approach, and objectives when dealing with SIDS.  An appropriately weighted, multidimensional vulnerability index must be adopted, if access to concessional development finance is to be made available to the states which need it most.

Despite the daunting task ahead of us, I do believe we can get it done.  I do believe our region is on the cusp of an exodus – a journey out of vulnerability, and into resilience.

Fundamental to this quest will be our ability to engage and empower our youth.  For the Caribbean to go from strength to strength, we must edify, uplift, and enlist the assistance of our youth.  The fight against climate change is only just beginning, and soon enough we will need to rely on a new generation of environmental leaders.

If the youth of our region are to blaze trails, we must first light a fire inside them.  So let us welcome the next generation into the fold.  Let us harness their fresh perspectives and critical agility, as we embark on a path toward greater Caribbean resilience.

Brothers and sisters, I look forward to witnessing the outcomes of this important meeting, and I applaud the incoming Chair, Grenadian Prime Minister Dickon Mitchell, for taking up the mantle.  The resolutions we establish today will surely be critical in safeguarding our shared tomorrow. 

Thank you, and may God bless you all.

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Migration in the Caribbean

A closer look at the Caribbean’s migratory systems

Similar to patterns of migration worldwide, migrants within the Caribbean tend to originate in countries with lower standards of living and fewer opportunities, moving to more advanced economies with more employment opportunities

Challenges and opportunities of migration in the Caribbean

By Valerie Lacarte - Ana María Saiz - Jordi Amaral - Diego Chaves-González - Jeremy Harris

Migration has long been part of the fabric of Caribbean nations’ experience.  But while Caribbean migration is often discussed in the context of out-migration to the United States, Canada, and European countries, movement to and within the Caribbean is an equally important part of this story.  In recent decades, due in great part to climate change, natural disasters, and shifts in global mobility patterns, the migration landscape in the Caribbean has also changed significantly.

To provide governments, stakeholders, and external partners interested in strengthening the region’s capacity to accommodate changing migration patterns, the Inter-American Development Bank and the Migration Policy Institute have partnered to provide a policy review on migration in the Caribbean.

The report Migration, Integration, and Diaspora Engagement in the Caribbean: A Policy Review provides those interested in human mobility across Latin America and the Caribbean with a general overview of the Caribbean region’s extra- and intraregional migration trends, institutional frameworks, and the challenges and opportunities that new migration flows present for its development and regional integration.

Recent changes in the migratory flows in the Caribbean

In 2020, there were an estimated 859,400 intraregional and 745,700 extraregional immigrants living in Caribbean countries.  The intraregional share of migrants grew from 46% in 2000 to 56% in 2020.

The intraregional share and origins of immigrants vary across countries.  In the nine primary countries studied in the report—The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago—immigrants from other Caribbean nations made up 63 percent of all immigrants in 2020.  Intraregional migration was most common in countries such as the Dominican Republic, Barbados, and The Bahamas, and Haitians were by far the largest group of immigrants across these countries, followed by Guyanese.

Extraregional migration in the Caribbean

In some countries, there are notable populations of immigrants from outside the region.  Venezuelans represent the second largest immigrant population (after Haitians) across the nine countries analyzed and are present in particularly large numbers in the Dominican Republic, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana.  Immigrants from the United States, the United Kingdom, China, and Canada were also present in many of these nine countries.

Intraregional migration in the Caribbean

Similar to patterns of migration worldwide, migrants within the Caribbean tend to originate in countries with lower standards of living and fewer opportunities, moving to more advanced economies with more employment opportunities.  As such, countries and territories with thriving tourism industries and higher incomes, such as The Bahamas, the British and U.S. Virgin Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, and Saint Kitts and Nevis, tend to attract nationals from Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Guyana, and Jamaica.  Moreover, a smaller number of high-skilled workers from countries such as Jamaica, Cuba, and Trinidad and Tobago tend to migrate to countries where they will have greater employment opportunities and receive higher incomes.

The impact of climate change and natural disasters on migration in the Caribbean

Climate change and natural disasters have been important drivers of internal, intraregional, and extraregional displacement in the Caribbean, and experts have expressed concerns that the frequency and impact of climate-related events are only likely to grow in the years to come.  In recent decades, the region has experienced several devastating hurricanes, which are likely the most impactful type of natural disaster in the region, in addition to earthquakes, tropical storms, floods, and drought, all of which have forced people to leave their homes.  These disasters are among the contributing factors to the increased migration of Caribbean nationals, particularly Haitians, to both South and North America.

Regional frameworks and institutions that facilitate mobility

Regional agreements and other forms of cooperation have also emerged as prominent features of mobility in the region.  As an example, under CARICOM’s Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), nationals of CSME Member States benefit from six-month stays without a visa in other Community countries.  While these six-month stays do not come with work authorization, the CSME also includes a Skills Certificates regime that provides free mobility and works authorization for specific categories of workers.

Additionally, the region’s public university system, the University of the West Indies, has facilitated migration for educational purposes, mainly within the anglophone Caribbean.

Challenges for a stronger regional integration

The region’s unique free mobility regimes have, to some extent, helped facilitate the movement of displaced people and response workers during times of environmental crisis.  Yet a closer look at the Caribbean’s migratory systems indicates that, in most of the countries included in the study, these regimes are out of date, and this limits societies’ capacity to manage migration and successfully integrate new immigrants.

Diaspora engagement: An opportunity for the development of the Caribbean

A final, crucial dimension of migration policy in the Caribbean is diaspora engagement in efforts to further the region’s economic development.  Emigrants and their descendants are well-recognized for their role in channeling much-needed financial support to their families in the Caribbean through remittances, but their engagement with their countries of origin or ancestry can also take the form of business development and job creation, direct investment, and the strengthening of social and professional networks.  Moreover, the Caribbean diaspora has contributed to the region via the transfer of knowledge and skills, including through targeted initiatives that seek to counter the decades-old problem of brain drain.

Conclusion

As Caribbean nations continue to face important migration and development challenges, dialogue through the region’s established institutions provides a path towards adapting Caribbean migratory systems, while ensuring that migration policies account for the concerns of sending and receiving countries.

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The Bahamas Immigration Minister Keith Bell resists United Nations - UN call to suspend deportations to Haiti as Haiti's crisis deepens

The Bahamas Immigration Minister Keith Bell resists UN call to suspend deportations to Haiti as situation spirals out of control

“Haiti has political instability, economic deprivation, and complete social collapse.  So you are talking about a myriad of challenges and problems.  That problem can only be addressed at the international level and so it isn’t a matter of frustration

DESPITE calls from United Nations officials to suspend deportations to Haiti, Immigration Minister Keith Bell said The Bahamas has “a job to do” to ensure that officials protect the country for Bahamians.

The Bahamas is facing an influx of Haitian migrants.  However, United Nations Secretary General António Gutierrez on Monday called on governments to consider halting deportations as the situation there spirals out of control

Speaking on the sideline of a Labour on the Campus event, Mr Bell recognised the duty of the secretary general, but made it clear what the government has to do.

“The United Nations obviously they seek to ensure that there is harmony, there’s unity among all nations, so obviously that is his job.  We in The Bahamas have a job to do to ensure that we protect The Bahamas for Bahamians.  It’s as simple as that.  The Bahamas as all governments have consistently said we cannot absorb these persons who come in The Bahamas illegally,” he said.

“If you want to come to The Bahamas as a tourist or want to work, then there is a process.  If you follow that process, you may be granted access to The Bahamas.

“If you come here illegally and unlawfully, then, of course, there has to be swift justice.  We will not tolerate, nor will we support reasonably anyone coming into The Bahamas from undocumented or illegal means you will stay in the jurisdiction you will be deported.”

He also shared doubts that The Bahamas would sign on to provisions allowing for free movement when asked about CARICOM’s freedom of movement or labour within the region.

“I know you’re talking about a treaty – I think the Treaty of Chaguaramas and the (free) movement of people through the Caribbean.  The government of The Bahamas, both PLP and FNM, has consistently not signed on to those specific provisions.  I do not foresee in the very far future that we’re going to support a free movement throughout this country of anyone.”

Prime Minister Philip “Brave” Davis said the crisis in Haiti poses a substantial threat to The Bahamas due to an increase in irregular migration.

He spoke earlier this week at the opening session of the heads of summit meeting of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in Buenos Aires, Argentina.

During his remarks, Mr Davis stated: “With the support and leadership of Haiti, collectively, we can, through CELAC and other regional organisations, help Haitians build a path out of crisis.”

Asked if there was frustration with the international community over addressing Haiti’s issues, the labour minister listed some of the factors that needed to be considered when helping countries.

“I will not say it there is frustration and you would have seen all around the world where first world developed countries, superpowers go into these countries where they need help — where there is a genocide or there is this civil war and the like.  When you go into these countries you have to ensure first of all, what is your objective?  What are the objectives of you going in?  And what would be your exit strategy?

“Haiti has political instability, economic deprivation, and complete social collapse.  So you are talking about a myriad of challenges and problems.  That problem can only be addressed at the international level and so it isn’t a matter of frustration.

“It’s just a matter of how we’re going to address these issues and challenges and then determine how we can help, but Haiti has 12 million people, The Bahamas cannot under no circumstance, support any illegal and unlawful entry of persons from Haiti and that has extended to Cuba where we’ve had an exponential growth in illegal migrants coming from that country. We will not tolerate it.”

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The Bahamas Prime Minister, Philip Davis addresses The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States - CELAC on the growing challenges which threaten the safety, security and undermine the pursuit for economic dignity in the region

The economic and security challenges we face are great, and we welcome CELAC’s initiatives to strengthen cooperation in facing them.  Collaboration makes us stronger, and leads to faster and more durable solutions

Buenos Aires, Argentina - January 24, 2023 - Colleagues: Over the past several years, the Covid-19 pandemic compounded the complex problems we already faced, including climate change, economic inequality, and increasing threats to democratic values and human rights. 

These growing challenges threaten our safety and security and undermine our pursuit for economic dignity. 

Every one of our citizens deserves the right to experience the joys of family life, to do meaningful work, and to live lives full of purpose.

When we gather in regional meetings like this one, we must make sure that our debates and agreements concerning infrastructure and institutions always prioritize results that make a difference at the level of individual families.  People must come first.  And until doors of opportunity are open for all, we cannot rest. 

Climate Change 

Colleagues: Rising sea levels pose an existential threat to my country.  In 2019, a Category 5 storm devastated two of our main islands. 

We are not and have never been the polluters, yet we suffer from the greatest vulnerabilities caused by carbon emissions. 

Our debt burden remains high, in significant part due to these climate risks, including the need to regularly rebuild homes, businesses and infrastructure after devasting hurricanes.  Our cost of borrowing also prices in the risk of future hurricanes; we are already paying a high price for the intensifying weather patterns of tomorrow.

We urgently need the developed countries to honour their commitments to compensate for the Loss and Damage associated with climate change.  And in order to build resiliency, we urgently need finance and access to technology. 

Each of our countries must keep the pledges we’ve made, in this and other settings, to reduce our own emissions.  We have seen glimpses of a future we cannot survive; we must change course, or perish. It is that simple. 

Regional Peace and Security

Colleagues: Democracy cannot be taken for granted; it is a commitment that must be continually renewed.  Just over two weeks ago, a violent mob stormed government buildings in Brazil in an effort to overturn the outcome of free and fair elections. 

I reiterate the solidarity of The Bahamas, and CARICOM, with President Lula de Silva and the Government of Brazil, and our unwavering commitment to democracy and rule of law. 

The scenes in Brasilia uncomfortably echoed those just a few years ago in Washington, DC.  Political violence, in all its forms, must be condemned anywhere in the Americas. 

Haiti 

Colleagues: The crisis in Haiti is getting worse.  The tragic situation there continues to pose a substantial threat not only to Haitians, but also to The Bahamas and neighbouring countries, all of whom are experiencing a significant increase in irregular and often dangerous migration. 

With the support and leadership of Haiti, collectively, we can, through CELAC and other regional organizations, help Haitians build a path out of crisis.

We commend Haitian-led efforts to hold elections before the end of 2023, to arrest the threat to public security posed by violent gangs, to relieve hunger and malnutrition, and to alleviate the political crisis. 

Enhanced regional partnership can especially help to scale up capacity-building for the local police, and tackle trafficking, particularly in people, contraband and guns. 

These Haiti-led solutions provide promising alternatives to the usual inclination to carry out activities in Haiti without Haitian direction, and the preference for investing in the strengthening of the NGOs in Haiti, as opposed strengthening her public institutions. 

Extra-Regional Partnerships 

In terms of the wider region, the economic and security challenges we face are great, and we welcome CELAC’s initiatives to strengthen cooperation in facing them.  Collaboration makes us stronger, and leads to faster and more durable solutions.

International Obstacles to National Development 

And even while we pursue national development, other international partners pursue policies which harm our progress.  The Bahamas will continue to voice its displeasure with the discriminatory practice of the blacklisting of countries.  I invite you to join us. 

We will also continue to advocate against the unfair use of GDP per capita to determine how or if developing countries, in vulnerable developing regions, qualify for reasonable concessionary financing or grants.

The use of the Multi-Vulnerability Index in assessing eligibility for help, rather than the blunt, outdated measurement of GDP per capita is a fairer measurement.  I invite you to join us in advocating for mutual agreement of alternative eligibility criteria for international financing and Overseas Development Assistance.

Summit Declaration 

Colleagues: Dialogue is important; collaborative solutions cannot be built without it.  But talk is not sufficient.  The work we do here must translate into tangible benefits for our citizens.  Let us share a determination to make each meeting, and each conversation, a stepping stone to real progress for people.

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The Bahamas Prime Minister Philip 'Brave' Davis brings focus on Illegal migration and gun trafficking to meeting with US Vice President Kamala Harris

The United States reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening partnerships with The Bahamas, and the nations and peoples of The Caribbean

As Chairman of CARICOM, the Bahamian Prime Minister believes it is important for the United States and other partners in the hemisphere to support Haitian-led efforts to stabilize that country and find a path forward out of crisis

Washington, DC - January 17, 2023 – Prime Minister Philip 'Brave' Davis met earlier today with US Vice President Kamala Harris at The White House to discuss a number of issues facing The Bahamas and the wider Caribbean region.

The United States reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening partnerships with The Bahamas, and the nations and the people of The Caribbean.

In discussing items relating to our bilateral relationship, the Prime Minister and the Vice President emphasized the importance of both strengthening efforts to combat illegal maritime migration and reducing the flow of guns illegally entering The Bahamas from the United States.

The Prime Minister also raised the importance of reinstating pre-clearance facilities in Grand Bahama, a critical step to support the island’s economic recovery.

The discussion widened to cover a number of regional issues, including food and energy security, and efforts to combat climate change.

As Chairman of CARICOM, the Prime Minister believes it is important for the United States and other partners in the hemisphere to support Haitian-led efforts to stabilize that country and find a path forward out of crisis.

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The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has serious concerns about the continuing deterioration of the security situation and the social circumstances in the Republic of Haiti

The continued breakdown of law and order in Haiti and its miserable impact on the Haitian people

The Haitian unrest is having a negative impact on the already weak economy of Haiti - leading to even more mass demonstrations.  Especially the worsening social conditions and the limited availability of food require urgent and immediate attention from the international community

The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is gravely concerned by the continuing deterioration of the security situation and the social circumstances in the Republic of Haiti.

The continued breakdown in law and order, and its distressing effect on the people of Haiti, is intensifying.  The fraught situation is exacerbated by the inability of the Haitian security forces to address the ongoing violence.

The unrest is having a negative impact on the already weak economy leading to even more mass demonstrations.  Especially the worsening social conditions and the limited availability of food require urgent and immediate attention from the international community.

This persistently distressing situation is untenable, and CARICOM calls for all stakeholders to engage meaningfully with the aim to find a way forward and to put country first and address the situation urgently.

CARICOM, following discussions in the past weeks, remains available to assist and work with international partners to mobilize financial and technical resources to facilitate a process towards normalization and ultimately the holding of free, fair and credible general elections.

Georgetown, Guyana

19 September 2022

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In the Caribbean, NO ONE SHOULD HAVE TO WALK OUTSIDE TO GET INTO A PLANE!

TRAVEL IN THE CARIBBEAN IS TORTURE!

By Professor Gilbert Morris

The beauty of the Caribbean is a distortion field. There are few places in the world where nature displays her moving panoply as agreeably as the CARIBBEAN.

Mottled green and iridescent blue waters, swirling into creamy dreamscape freckled with evergreen pastoral nodes: islands, cays, islets…are an immediate thrill to the senses.

However, when travelling within and across the Caribbean, this tapestry of loveliness aforementioned, gives way first to stupidity, then cruelty, then demotic idiocies.

In fact and effect, travelling within and across the Caribbean reveals our self-abnegation: our careless disregard for each other, in the exhibition of which, it seems, there is no inconvenience or unconscionable stupidity we won’t impose on each other because of our utter lack of process intelligence.

Process intelligence is the knowledge of logistics, people movement and processing, to prevent triage or cascades; essentially the [sic] of a logistics process.

Countries with population, weather, elevation (mountains), languages (4-5 minimum) and currency…have little choice but to develop process intelligence. So Singapore and Hong Kong are small spaces with relatively large populations. Yet they can move 100,000 people through a process in 7 minutes. Jamaica, India and Brazil have large populations relatively speaking…in large spaces and yet are horrendous as processing people.

100,000 people may take two days. (Though, I confess, Jamaica learned something after its devastatingly barbarous start to airport throughput management during the first 5 months of COVID 19).

We encounter our own indulgence in cruelty in the manner in which we designed our cut n’ paste airports largely for planeing and deplaneing flights. Tourists come for the Sun, yet their flights are parked conveniently, 30 seconds from the arrival halls. But locals - more likely to be professionals, dressed for business - must walk 1000 meters in the blistering Sun, to enter an unfumigated, often frowsy, hot plane and sit as operators go casually about their inefficient paper-laden process; asking each other questions in bewilderment about things they do as routine every day…as they themselves sweat like feral Goats!

I flew from Jamaica to Providenciales, to Nassau. This was the “valley of the shadow of death”. Listen: there was not one single element or option or pretence of convenience in the entire trip. Rain or shine, you walk outside like herded Yaks. Some airports still retain the idiotic, absolutely useless processes which they copycatted after 911; such as removing one’s shoes and separating one’s laptops. We understand the regulations for entering America…that’s a different issue. But to impose these waste-of-time procedures (NO ONE UNDERSTANDS) for inter-island travel in the region is demonstrably ridiculous. No country in this region has the analytics to assess a laptop or shoes or a tub of Shea-butter!

One could understand if we eliminated the other logistical inconveniences and kept the ones we copied slavishly from America. But keeping both without regard to the suffering imposed on our own people travelling is demotic.

Once you’ve walked 1000 meters in the Sun, sweating like a mountain goat, and entered the barbecue pit which is the plane, the flights are quite comfy and the staff are sweet and lovely…not to mention to [sic] views out the window. But in my case…cause God mistook me for Job…sat next to me was a sweet lady. She had a TELEVISION…an entire flatscreen television…covering the window at our seat. She had one bag under the seat which appeared large enough to have three dead people in it. And another bag in her lap with enough bottles of lotion to moisturise all of Trinidad. When I sat…she said in the greatest understatement since Jesus shocked the Pharisees: “it’s kinda jam up”. “Indubitably” was my quite reply.

Once one lands in Providenciales…you walk back to Jamaica…that how long is the walk to the transit lounge.

WAIT! What am I talking about…THERE IS NO TRANSIT LOUNGE!

There is an accidental hallway, with a luggage scanner jammed into it like scaffolding in an elevator…and passengers - in the most cruel and unconscionable process of my entire trip - must stand outside on the tarmac, in the Sun…and wait for the door to the pit of hell to be opened. Old people, women with little children…all must stand there as if waiting outside a one toilet outhouse.

It is wrong and must be changed immediately…it is below TCI to allow such a thing.

Additionally, this process is utterly brainless. You leave Jamaica or Dominican Republic, you’ve passed through security with all the useless, idiotic processes…you deplane for transit and must have your handhelds scanned again, for what: the Bazooka you bought in duty free?

Once you make it into the departure lounge - your spleen and patience stretched to the limit - there aren’t enough seats, the air is stale, everything costs $11 dollars…and they’ve rented out every corner of the departure lounge like a ghetto fairground for retail tourist trap shops!

Then…you are marched out to walk in the Sun…the 40 years in the wilderness to find the land of Canaan, to get to the plane.

Again, the flight is pleasant the staff are sweet and lovely and the views are divine…except for the mattress sized TV in my case!

One lands at Nassau and the torture begins anew: mainly you must walk to Gethsemane, across the isles of Patmos, down Berma Road to get to immigration. I denounce this as idiocy, cruelty and stupidity. Why should you suffer thus in your own country with a design so clueless about human comfort?

Whether is supposed to spur innovation. Denmark has bad weather, as does Finland, Sweden, Switzerland so that motivated them toward innovation as a means of cultivating comfort. We seem to just copy form anywhere (mostly Fort Lauderdale for Jesus sake), and force ourselves into their designs, which anticipates NOTHING about our actual lives.

In the Caribbean, NO ONE SHOULD HAVE TO WALK OUTSIDE TO GET INTO A PLANE!

If cooling the plane and gangways is expensive…why isn’t that our first innovation with solar power to ensure comfort and convenience in planeing and deplaneling?

In principle, the hotter it is outside, the cooler the gangway and the plane would be, without adding to energy costs!

It’s specific, measurable, small scale and if it works, everyone would copy us….AND I LIKE THAT!

During COVID I travelled to Dubai. Upon landing, there must have been 20-30,000 people from the various arrivals.

In minutes the airport lines were gone!

Why?

Cause dey fast?

Their hands don’t move any faster than ours.

No! They did something before they built the airport: they committed to eliminating lines as part of an ambition to build a spectacular airport in which the first consideration was HUMAN COMFORT!

How can we claim to be hospitality destinations when domestic and inter-Caribbean travel is wretched, stupid, cruel and demotic?

“Charity begins…”, y’all been to Sunday school….!

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