Redefining governance post-Golding
By LLOYD B SMITH
Even as Jamaicans breathe a sigh of relief in the wake of the departure of Bruce Golding as JLP leader and prime minister in what was a seamless transition, a dispassionate post-mortem needs to be done and a new job description arrived at for our head of government, the so-called first among equals.
Of course, one of the recurring challenges that beset any such attempt at meaningful discussion is the rabid tribalism that plagues the Jamaican society. So much so that even when a perceived "independent" political analyst seeks to cut through the putrid fat of partisan fatuousness in order to get to the bone of the matter, he or she is likely to be pilloried, if the views expressed are not in sync with a particular party and its motley assortment of hacks and spin doctors.
In this vein, political discourse in many instances becomes a desperate attempt at playing to the gallery or is so overly "balanced" that it becomes lukewarm — neither hot nor cold — which leaves many readers and listeners in a stupor, not knowing whether to swallow or spit it out.
One of the unfortunate traits of many Jamaicans is a seeming inability to argue a point without "tracing" (verbal assault which often leads to one denigrating one's opponent). This has become a regular feature in the political arena which also sees some talk show hosts and columnists joining in this kind of vacuous verbal diarrhoea leading to character assassination, especially when their victim speaks or writes the truth. Yes, the truth hurts, and can be very offensive.
Against this background of intellectual dishonesty, if governance in Jamaica is to take on a meaningful trend, then the role of the media needs to be redefined in this burgeoning information age. In the United States, for example, which is regarded as one of the bastions of democratic governance in the world, a journalist or newspaper can openly, or in any other acceptable way, endorse a political candidate or party. Even newspapers, radio and television stations are known to co-exist peacefully and without threat of extinction, notwithstanding their particular ideological or partisan stance.
In Jamaica, because of the divisive, intimidatory and vindictive nature of our political culture, most media practitioners are forced to walk a tightrope, and so in many instances a latent form of hypocrisy laced with sycophancy and doublespeak becomes the order of the day. "O judgement thou art fled to brutish beasts and men have lost their reason!" (Shakespeare - Julius Caesar)
I therefore posit that if good governance is to come to the fore and is sustainable, then the media in Jamaica must be truly liberated, not shackled by an archaic set of libel laws. As the people's watchdog, it must be allowed to have more bite than bark which means that the politics of the day must become more enlightened, tolerant and accountable.
For this to happen, then those at the top must raise the bar of discourse within the context of contending opinions which too frequently become the news of the day via soundbytes and "select" headlines. Newly installed Prime Minister Andrew Holness and Opposition Leader Portia Simpson Miller must declare their hands during the coming general election campaign because it cannot be business as usual.
At the outset of what was to be Golding's ill-fated "governorship", he set out to define his style of governance by dubbing himself the chief servant, a sobriquet fraught with good intention and a sincerity of purpose. But very soon, the man who was also called "driva" found himself in a pickle and had to opt, in the final analysis, to put the interest of the party over patriotism.
Golding, in essence, became victim of a political system which he once abhorred but had to ultimately embrace in his quest for power. Looking back, one may well ask if Golding had stuck with the National Democratic Movement through thick and thin, would his legacy have remained untarnished and would that fledgling party have gained enough social capital to take on successfully the status quo?
Interestingly and most intriguingly, Prime Minister Andrew Holness has attributed much of his political acumen to the mentorship of Edward Seaga and Bruce Golding. He has, in one fell swoop, defined his political persona, and what remains to be seen is whether he will emulate the good qualities of his mentors or embrace their bad characteristics.
Picture a typical cartoon character with an angel on either shoulder (usually one is a good influence and the other bad). We have been told that "Prince Andrew" is his own man; let's now see if he will be able to prove that he is not a chip off the old block, or worse, a clone.
From all indications, he has the acumen to rise to the occasion, but his most serious challenge will remain how he manages the JLP while steering the ship of state. For this to happen, he will need all hands on deck, so I am very pleased that so far one commentator has described him as a consensus builder, because in redefining governance in Jamaica, the nation's leaders need to coalesce around certain objectives, and whoever is prime minister must lead that charge.
At the same time, prime minister and JLP leader Andrew Holness, now that he is fully in the saddle, must rein in those unrepentant "tribalists" who see as their only role that of tarring and feathering as well as running out of town anyone who dares to criticise him, the party or the Government of the day.
If Jamaica is to be governed effectively with equal rights and justice for all, then there must be room for dissent. We cannot all see things through one set of spectacles. Let the wheat and the tares grow together until the day of harvest.
Outside of the media and political leadership, the church and civil society need to play a more aggressive as well as assertive role in the redefining of governance in Jamaica. The power and influence of civil society and the media were in full force during the Manatt/Dudus affair and we have seen the result of that debacle.
It has allowed a new day to dawn on the island's political landscape teeming with many possibilities. Increasingly, the church must be the moral compass without taking sides, and civil society must pursue without fear or favour that route that leads to equity in terms of justice and economic opportunities.
Once again, Jamaica is at a crossroads and we must decide where we are going in real terms. Winning an election must not be an end in itself, but the first step in a journey towards economic independence, peace, safety and national unity. Whichever party wins, it will not be an easy road. Governance, not "gangsterism", must define our path. Enough said!
lloydbsmith@hotmail.com
October 25, 2011
jamaicaobserver
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Showing posts with label Jamaican politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jamaican politics. Show all posts
Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Sunday, October 9, 2011
Election politics in Jamaica and Guyana
By Rickey Singh
TODAY, while Jamaicans contemplate a forthcoming battle between incumbent leader of the Opposition People's National Party (PNP) Portia Simpson Miller, and the rising star of the governing Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Andrew Holness, to lead this nation following the next general election, Guyanese would be anxiously awaiting the official announcement of the date for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
The Guyana election date will come from its outgoing president, Bharrat Jagdeo, who became the youngest head of state in the Western Hemisphere at 35 and who will leave office at the comparatively young age of 47 after being executive president for a dozen years.
Constitutionally debarred from more than two successive five-year terms, Jagdeo is expected to announce Monday, November 28 as the date when the ruling People's Progressive Party (PPP) will seek an unprecedented consecutive fifth term in government, this time under the leadership of its current 60-year-old general secretary, Donald Ramotar, an economist.
Ramotar's primary opponent will be the 65-year-old ex-Brigadier of the Guyana Defence Force David Granger. He is the presidential candidate of a newly established opposition front, Partnership for National Unity which is dominated by the People's National Congress (PNC) that has been defeated by the PPP at all national elections since October 1992.
Here in Jamaica, now that Education Minister Holness has already obtained significant support from his JLP parliamentary colleagues, and appears to be popular within the party's traditional base, it is most likely that the endorsement for him to succeed Golding would be deferred for the party's November 19-20 annual convention.
By then, Guyana will be in the final week of election campaigning to choose a new 65-member Parliament and executive president. If in the case of Guyanese politics the incumbent PPP's central message will be, as already signalled, "continuity" for social and economic advancement, in Jamaica it would be quite different to market the new JLP leader with a similar message.
For, objectively, the social and political problems that finally forced Golding to quit as both party leader and prime minister (read the Christopher 'Dudus' Coke controversy as a major factor), would be very much part of the election campaign of the PNP's Simpson Miller. She can be expected to link Holness to the JLP's political culture — as difficult as such a strategy could prove.
The age factor has, surprisingly, been thrown into Jamaica's political mix of reasons for the sudden resignation announcement by Golding, who has chosen to emphasise a preference for a new generation of young leaders to be in control — in the best interest of the JLP and Jamaica.
Golding's plus & minus
The reality is that Golding, who will be 64 years old this coming December and is in good health, knows that age is not the substantive factor for his decision to walk away from the highest political office. He was certainly not going to face a leadership challenge at next month's convention, nor is he being magnanimous in suddenly making way for a suitable "young" successor.
Rather, having seriously compromised his political integrity in his controversial handling of the sensational issues that surrounded last year's extradition to the USA of the accused trafficker in drugs and guns, Christopher 'Dudus' Coke -- an influential JLP supporter -- Golding came to realise the serious damage he had wrought on confidence in his leadership judgement.
Further, and quite related, his decision was informed by how the Opposition PNP has been strategically manoeuvring to exploit the current national mood ahead of a new general election.
The suggestion that it's time to make room for a new generation of youthful leaders could also be self-serving as a parting shot by Golding against those elements within the JLP's decision-making councils and some senior Cabinet ministers who may have disappointed him at critical periods of his four years as leader of party and Government.
However, it is relevant to note here that even the more strident critics or opponents of Bruce Golding would have difficulty in ignoring an evident factor in his favour as a politician. He has, over the years, demonstrated a firm commitment to democratic governance (in party and government) — even when it came to opposing the leadership-style politics of his former mentor, Edward Seaga.
Some feel that Golding's plus factor would also point to the cultivation of a reputation for opposing corruption; And now, by his decision to quit as prime minister and JLP leader, he hopes to be remembered as a politician who did not wish to perpetuate himself in the structure of party leadership.
Holness vs Simpson Miller
Golding is departing as the first prime minister of Jamaica to voluntarily leave office without completing a first term. He is also the second to give up the prime ministership while still in good health, the first being P J Patterson.
So far as the PNP is concerned, having put to rest — expediently or not — some of the very bruising areas of internal division and discontent, it now appears as a party under Simpson Miller's continuing leadership, to be in readiness to resume control of the reins of state power when the election bell rings, either early or late next year -- depending on how the political wind is blowing with Holness as prime minister.
What both Holness and Simpson Miller would have in common is a desire to be prime minister for at least a full five-year term. The PNP leader had originally served in that office for less than a year when she succeeded Patterson before calling the September 3, 2007 general election that was lost to the JLP in a very tough battle and close outcome in terms of popular votes cast.
The PNP cannot, however, be unaware that the timing and manner of Golding's decision to quit as prime minister and leave the political landscape well ahead of a new general election would necessitate a critical reassessment of the party's electoral strategy for 2012.
Having already invested so much political capital in hammering away at the leadership blunders of Golding over the "Dudus fiasco" and more, the PNP would understand the need for its own post-Golding adjustments, which could also be a serious challenge for the JLP under the leadership of Holness.
October 09, 2011
jamaicaobserver
TODAY, while Jamaicans contemplate a forthcoming battle between incumbent leader of the Opposition People's National Party (PNP) Portia Simpson Miller, and the rising star of the governing Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Andrew Holness, to lead this nation following the next general election, Guyanese would be anxiously awaiting the official announcement of the date for new presidential and parliamentary elections.
The Guyana election date will come from its outgoing president, Bharrat Jagdeo, who became the youngest head of state in the Western Hemisphere at 35 and who will leave office at the comparatively young age of 47 after being executive president for a dozen years.
Constitutionally debarred from more than two successive five-year terms, Jagdeo is expected to announce Monday, November 28 as the date when the ruling People's Progressive Party (PPP) will seek an unprecedented consecutive fifth term in government, this time under the leadership of its current 60-year-old general secretary, Donald Ramotar, an economist.
Ramotar's primary opponent will be the 65-year-old ex-Brigadier of the Guyana Defence Force David Granger. He is the presidential candidate of a newly established opposition front, Partnership for National Unity which is dominated by the People's National Congress (PNC) that has been defeated by the PPP at all national elections since October 1992.
Here in Jamaica, now that Education Minister Holness has already obtained significant support from his JLP parliamentary colleagues, and appears to be popular within the party's traditional base, it is most likely that the endorsement for him to succeed Golding would be deferred for the party's November 19-20 annual convention.
By then, Guyana will be in the final week of election campaigning to choose a new 65-member Parliament and executive president. If in the case of Guyanese politics the incumbent PPP's central message will be, as already signalled, "continuity" for social and economic advancement, in Jamaica it would be quite different to market the new JLP leader with a similar message.
For, objectively, the social and political problems that finally forced Golding to quit as both party leader and prime minister (read the Christopher 'Dudus' Coke controversy as a major factor), would be very much part of the election campaign of the PNP's Simpson Miller. She can be expected to link Holness to the JLP's political culture — as difficult as such a strategy could prove.
The age factor has, surprisingly, been thrown into Jamaica's political mix of reasons for the sudden resignation announcement by Golding, who has chosen to emphasise a preference for a new generation of young leaders to be in control — in the best interest of the JLP and Jamaica.
Golding's plus & minus
The reality is that Golding, who will be 64 years old this coming December and is in good health, knows that age is not the substantive factor for his decision to walk away from the highest political office. He was certainly not going to face a leadership challenge at next month's convention, nor is he being magnanimous in suddenly making way for a suitable "young" successor.
Rather, having seriously compromised his political integrity in his controversial handling of the sensational issues that surrounded last year's extradition to the USA of the accused trafficker in drugs and guns, Christopher 'Dudus' Coke -- an influential JLP supporter -- Golding came to realise the serious damage he had wrought on confidence in his leadership judgement.
Further, and quite related, his decision was informed by how the Opposition PNP has been strategically manoeuvring to exploit the current national mood ahead of a new general election.
The suggestion that it's time to make room for a new generation of youthful leaders could also be self-serving as a parting shot by Golding against those elements within the JLP's decision-making councils and some senior Cabinet ministers who may have disappointed him at critical periods of his four years as leader of party and Government.
However, it is relevant to note here that even the more strident critics or opponents of Bruce Golding would have difficulty in ignoring an evident factor in his favour as a politician. He has, over the years, demonstrated a firm commitment to democratic governance (in party and government) — even when it came to opposing the leadership-style politics of his former mentor, Edward Seaga.
Some feel that Golding's plus factor would also point to the cultivation of a reputation for opposing corruption; And now, by his decision to quit as prime minister and JLP leader, he hopes to be remembered as a politician who did not wish to perpetuate himself in the structure of party leadership.
Holness vs Simpson Miller
Golding is departing as the first prime minister of Jamaica to voluntarily leave office without completing a first term. He is also the second to give up the prime ministership while still in good health, the first being P J Patterson.
So far as the PNP is concerned, having put to rest — expediently or not — some of the very bruising areas of internal division and discontent, it now appears as a party under Simpson Miller's continuing leadership, to be in readiness to resume control of the reins of state power when the election bell rings, either early or late next year -- depending on how the political wind is blowing with Holness as prime minister.
What both Holness and Simpson Miller would have in common is a desire to be prime minister for at least a full five-year term. The PNP leader had originally served in that office for less than a year when she succeeded Patterson before calling the September 3, 2007 general election that was lost to the JLP in a very tough battle and close outcome in terms of popular votes cast.
The PNP cannot, however, be unaware that the timing and manner of Golding's decision to quit as prime minister and leave the political landscape well ahead of a new general election would necessitate a critical reassessment of the party's electoral strategy for 2012.
Having already invested so much political capital in hammering away at the leadership blunders of Golding over the "Dudus fiasco" and more, the PNP would understand the need for its own post-Golding adjustments, which could also be a serious challenge for the JLP under the leadership of Holness.
October 09, 2011
jamaicaobserver
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