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Showing posts with label yanki. Show all posts
Showing posts with label yanki. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 28, 2010

What they want is Venezuela’s oil


Vrnezuela Oil


Reflections of Fidel

(Taken from CubaDebate)




YESTERDAY I said what I would do if I were Venezuelan; I explained that it was the poor who were most affected by natural disasters and I gave the reasons why. Further on, I added: "…where imperialism dominates and the opportunistic oligarchy receives a lucrative slice of national goods and services, the masses have nothing to win or lose and don’t give a jot about the elections" and that, "in the United States, even for a presidential election, no more than 50% of those entitled to vote turn out."

Today I would add that, even when in those same elections the whole of the House of Representatives, part of the Senate and other significant posts are voted on, they do not manage to exceed that figure.

I asked why they employ their vast media resources to try and sink the Revolutionary Bolivarian government in a sea of lies and calumnies.  What the yankis want is Venezuela’s oil.

We have all seen during this election period, a group of ignoble individuals who, in the company of mercenaries from the national written press, radio and television, have even denied the fact that there is press freedom in Venezuela.

The enemy has succeeded with some of its aims: preventing the Bolivarian government from winning the support of two thirds of the Parliament.

Perhaps the empire believes that it obtained a great victory.

I believe exactly the opposite: the results of September 26 represent a victory for the Bolivarian Revolution and its leader Hugo Chávez Frías.

In these parliamentary elections, the participation of the electors rose to the record figure of 66.45%.  With its vast resources, the empire could not prevent the PSUV from obtaining 95 of the 165 seats in parliaments, with six results still to come in.  The most important thing is the high number of young people, women and other combative and proven activists who have entered this institution.

The Bolivarian Revolution today holds executive power, has a majority in Parliament and a party capable of mobilizing millions of people who will fight for socialism.

In Venezuela, the United States can only rely on fragments of parties, cobbled together through their fear of the Revolution and gross material cravings.

They will not be able to resort to a coup d’état in Venezuela as they did with Allende in Chile and other countries in Our America.

The Armed Forces of that sister nation, educated in the spirit and example of the Liberator and which, in its heart, nurtured the leaders who began the process are the promoters of and part of the Revolution.

Such a group of forces is invincible.  I would not be able to see that with such clarity without the experience I have accumulated over half a century.

Fidel Castro Ruz



September 27, 2010

3:24 a.m.

Translated by Granma International

granma.cu

Thursday, October 8, 2009

HONDURAS: The inestimable value of the Resistance

HONDURAS

Nidia Diaz



ONE hundred days of heroic resistance against the coup regime’s repressive apparatus have been sufficient for the local fascists and their extreme right-wing U.S. sponsors to finally realize that the Honduran people are resolved to keep fighting until President José Manuel Zelaya is restored, as the first step in their strategic course to convene a national constituent assembly, for which they will have to sit down and find a negotiated solution to the conflict backed by the empire.

Neither the advisement of Israeli officials who arrived in Tegucigalpa to destabilize the struggle through psycho-technological means, nor the secret support of the Pentagon, nor the brutal repression in complicity with curfews, nor the declaration of a state of siege, nor the lies in favor of the fascists flooding the media, have been able to make the Honduran people and the international community — with a few, abominable exceptions — accept the de facto government or forget about the unconstitutionally deposed president or that Central American people’s present and future aspirations for a Honduras for all and for the good of all.

The National Resistance against the Coup is now a political movement to be reckoned with in these presumably final moments, in which the OAS is to attempt to get the national capo, Roberto Micheletti, to sign the San José Agreement. Despite his smiles and apparent tranquility, Micheletti knows that his days are counted.

To accompany him at this time with the aim of supporting him to obtain a solution loaded with concessions, representatives of extreme right-wing U.S. Republicans turned up in Tegucigalpa. The howls of lead hyena (Ileana Ros Lehtinen) and her followers, the Díaz- Balart hyenas (Lincoln and Mario) are aimed at giving succor and protection to the empire’s chosen ones, Roberto Micheletti and General Romeo Vázques. The latter two have run out of arguments for keeping up their farce, given that the former publicly stated that Zelaya was deposed for being "a leftist, for aligning himself with Venezuela, Cuba and Ecuador," and not, as he had previously reiterated, for committing unconstitutional acts.

President Obama handed over the Honduras issue to his hawk, Hillary Clinton, and she, in the end, was also left hanging, on losing the initiative to the establishment’s more conservative and reactionary elements. It proved worthless to contract Oscar Arias, Washington’s ever-faithful servant, as messenger for the so-called mediated agreement of San José to restore President Zelaya without any powers. The coup regime ignored her and laughed at Obama.

That is the visceral quality of the hatred toward representatives of governments who are not docile as regards the empire, and with the abovementioned agreement, the deposed president would have to pay for daring to join the PETROCARIBE and ALBA blocs.

The yanki Department of State did not count on the people — imperial logic never does — becoming, from the first day of the coup, the liberation army for their president, the only one in recent Honduran history to take them into account and work honestly and transparently on their behalf during his mandate. He was the only one who took it upon himself to begin paving the road to the country’s second and definitive independence, even in the midst of heavy pressure from the local oligarchy, the same one that paid for his exile and continues to pay for the siege set up around the Brazilian embassy.

The U.S. secretary of state believed from the start that the battle within the Democratic Administration was solely against its African-American president. She also fell into the trap of the reaction, and the coup — as we said from the beginning — was likewise against the current administration.

It is evident to everyone that the de facto Honduran government could not have remained in power for more than 100 days as it has done, flagrantly violating human rights and even international law, without the support of the U.S. extreme right.

If that is not the case, why did José Miguel Insulza, the OAS secretary general, secretly meet with coup leader Micheletti at the yanki military base in Palmerola, and not in the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa?

What is the explanation for Ros Lehtinen’s demand for recognition of the de facto government, because not doing so would be to endanger U.S. "national security"? Of course, these howls are nothing but an expression of defeat in face of the courage, political maturity and unity of the Honduran resistance, which is the element that is actually forcing the coup regime to the negotiating table.

In an interview given a few days ago to the international media, President Zelaya referred to the limits of the San José Agreement:

"The person who is going to sign the Arias Plan is me, as the elected representative of the Honduran people. The Plan has two components: my restoration, in order to say ‘No!’ to coups d’état – which is what the presidents of Latin America are interested in, so that they can be assured of respect for popular sovereignty and that the will of the people is not going to be replaced by a military, economic and political elite; and the second component, which consists of social processes and reforms, and they are a question of time.

"I have promised that, before the elections, I will not take any initiative in that context, but that does not mean that the processes are going to come to a halt. I never proposed that the Constituent [Assembly] should take place during my government, but during the next one, when I will no longer be president…

"The Arias Plan is an emergency plan to solve the crisis of a de facto state, which at the same time is not going to paralyze social processes, far less deter what the determination of a sovereign people signifies."

Finally, President Zelaya reiterated: "No effort will be in vain if we obtain the desired result, and the awakening of the Honduran people now has an inestimable value as part of our history. The people have removed the veil from their eyes, and the economic elite has removed its mask. That is why we can now sit down at the table to talk about reality with all of those involved, in order to reach conciliation and come to agreements."

An heir does not steal, according to the popular refrain, and the Honduran people, heir to Morazán, have risen to the occasion of this historic moment. Once the agreements have been reached, we are convinced that in Honduras, the blood that has been shed and the sacrifice of its sons and daughters will never be past history, because nobody and nothing will be forgotten here.

Translated by Granma International

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