Amnesty For Duvalier On His Mind
News Americas, PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti, Fri. May 13, 2011: The Kompa singer turned President elect of Haiti officially takes the reins tomorrow, but has already promised amnesty for former dictator, Jean Claude ‘Baby Doc’ Duvalier.
In an interview with Montreal’s French-language daily La Presse, Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly said that he “could eventually think of that (an amnesty) to the extent that those who were hurt in the past understand the need for reconciliation” and that “I’m leaning toward the side of amnesty and forgiveness.”
But Martelly’s comments on Duvalier are disturbing to many, especially those whose relatives were killed under his brutal dictatorship by his and his father, Papa Doc Duvalier’s Tonton Macouts. The force was created in 1959, only two years after François Duvalier became president, due to the threat posed to the dictator by the regular armed forces. After an attempted coup d’etat against him in 1958, Duvalier disbanded the army and all law enforcement agencies in Haiti, and executed all high-ranking generals. The new militia wore straw hats, blue denim shirts and dark glasses, and were armed with machetes and guns.
Duvalier employed the Tonton Macoutes in a reign of terror against any opponents, including those who proposed progressive social systems. Those who spoke out against Duvalier would disappear at night, or were sometimes attacked in broad daylight. Tonton Macoutes often stoned and burned people alive. Many times the corpses were put on display, often hung in trees for everyone to see. Family members who tried to remove the bodies for proper burial often disappeared themselves, never to be seen again.
They were believed to have been abducted and killed by the MVSN, who were called the “Tonton Macoutes” as a result. Anyone who challenged the MVSN risked assassination. Their unrestrained state terrorism was accompanied by corruption, extortion and personal aggrandizement among the leadership.
Duvalier, 59, returned to Haiti on Jan. 16 after being chased out by a popular uprising 25 years earlier. A large team of Haitian and international lawyers are helping the Haitian government to put together the Duvalier prosecution and process complaints being filed by Duvalier era victims living in Haiti and its Diaspora.
This as Duvalier lives the good life in Haiti, socializing on the jazz circuit while a judge is investigating allegations of crimes committed during his 15-year rule and Duvalier supporters advise Martelly.
newsamericasnow
An International Caribbean Online Log about the news and opinions in the Americas and World. This Caribbean Blog of global reach and appeal is maintained by Bahamian Blogger - Dennis Dames with all readers and subscribers in mind.
Friday, May 13, 2011
Wednesday, May 11, 2011
The Caribbean in sight, sound, soul and speed
by Bevan Springer
New York Amsterdam News
Recently, I traveled to a beautiful island, the City of Brotherly Love and back to a number of inspiring events in two of New York City's boroughs. It was a seven-day trip which reinforced my belief in the Caribbean and its endless capacity to inspire.
First, it was to the azure waters of the Caribbean island nation of Antigua and Barbuda for sailing week activities with some newly found media colleagues from the US and the UK. The non-stop Continental Airlines flight from its New Jersey hub at Newark was a breeze.
I have visited Antigua, which boasts 365 beaches, several times since I was a young lad: on national duty as a tennis player, the past decade to produce a media conference, last December to try out Caribbean Airlines' new nonstop service from JFK Airport, and even to enjoy its alluring summer carnival.
This time, I gained an even greater appreciation for the twin islands' strength as a Caribbean tourism player.
I was particularly impressed with its beautiful, pristine environment and the quality of accommodations on island. And, there are some very attractive properties, including the four-star Blue Waters Antigua and Sandals Grande Antigua Resort & Spa in the north, and the well appointed Sugar Ridge boutique hotel on the southwest coast of the island.
Antigua and Barbuda has so much to offer, at surprisingly affordable rates and truly deserves a more aggressive marketing charge across the globe.
Unfortunately, my Caribbean jaunt was short-lived and before I knew it I was deplaning a jet plane in Newark and driving to Philadelphia for the historic Penn Relays where many an athletic star is born.
The Caribbean spirit was strong at this meet thanks to the thousands of Jamaicans who assembled to cheer on their athletes. Other Caribbean nations such as the Bahamas, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago also took to the track, and plenty of praise must be showered on the Caribbean companies who sponsored their athletes.
That same evening, the Spanish Caribbean was the focus at the Jamaica Performing Arts Center in Jamaica, Queens where Xiomara Laugart, the Afro-Cuban vocalist gave a memorable performance. Patrons enjoyed her sultry tones and the band's pulsating Caribbean rhythms generated welcome warmth on a cool April evening.
Following an inspiring church service in Brooklyn on Sunday morning, I attended an event hosted by Country Team Barbados at the Sheraton in Brooklyn (who knew there was a Sheraton in Brooklyn?) in support of athletes from three Barbadian high schools which participated at the Penn Relays.
Even though the Bajans did not return with any medals, I was heartened to learn that two female athletes from my Barbadian alma mater, the St Michael School, performed so well they were offered athletic scholarships.
From Antigua to Philadelphia to Queens and Brooklyn, the Caribbean has so much to be proud of, and I am thankful to carry on witnessing the beauty and excellence of our region in sight, sound, soul and speed.
May 11, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
New York Amsterdam News
Recently, I traveled to a beautiful island, the City of Brotherly Love and back to a number of inspiring events in two of New York City's boroughs. It was a seven-day trip which reinforced my belief in the Caribbean and its endless capacity to inspire.
First, it was to the azure waters of the Caribbean island nation of Antigua and Barbuda for sailing week activities with some newly found media colleagues from the US and the UK. The non-stop Continental Airlines flight from its New Jersey hub at Newark was a breeze.
I have visited Antigua, which boasts 365 beaches, several times since I was a young lad: on national duty as a tennis player, the past decade to produce a media conference, last December to try out Caribbean Airlines' new nonstop service from JFK Airport, and even to enjoy its alluring summer carnival.This time, I gained an even greater appreciation for the twin islands' strength as a Caribbean tourism player.
I was particularly impressed with its beautiful, pristine environment and the quality of accommodations on island. And, there are some very attractive properties, including the four-star Blue Waters Antigua and Sandals Grande Antigua Resort & Spa in the north, and the well appointed Sugar Ridge boutique hotel on the southwest coast of the island.
Antigua and Barbuda has so much to offer, at surprisingly affordable rates and truly deserves a more aggressive marketing charge across the globe.
Unfortunately, my Caribbean jaunt was short-lived and before I knew it I was deplaning a jet plane in Newark and driving to Philadelphia for the historic Penn Relays where many an athletic star is born.
The Caribbean spirit was strong at this meet thanks to the thousands of Jamaicans who assembled to cheer on their athletes. Other Caribbean nations such as the Bahamas, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago also took to the track, and plenty of praise must be showered on the Caribbean companies who sponsored their athletes.
That same evening, the Spanish Caribbean was the focus at the Jamaica Performing Arts Center in Jamaica, Queens where Xiomara Laugart, the Afro-Cuban vocalist gave a memorable performance. Patrons enjoyed her sultry tones and the band's pulsating Caribbean rhythms generated welcome warmth on a cool April evening.
Following an inspiring church service in Brooklyn on Sunday morning, I attended an event hosted by Country Team Barbados at the Sheraton in Brooklyn (who knew there was a Sheraton in Brooklyn?) in support of athletes from three Barbadian high schools which participated at the Penn Relays.
Even though the Bajans did not return with any medals, I was heartened to learn that two female athletes from my Barbadian alma mater, the St Michael School, performed so well they were offered athletic scholarships.
From Antigua to Philadelphia to Queens and Brooklyn, the Caribbean has so much to be proud of, and I am thankful to carry on witnessing the beauty and excellence of our region in sight, sound, soul and speed.
May 11, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
African Guyanese call for power sharing is an affirmation of our human right and birthright
By Dr David Hinds
When I came out in support of Tacuma Ogunseye's call for African Guyanese to take to the streets to demand power sharing, I did so because I sensed that people were playing politics with the issue.
Let me preface today’s offering with a few general observations.
First, I make a distinction between the Indian masses, whose lives are as miserable as Africans, and the Indian government, which is as unaccountable to Indians as it is to the Africans.
Second, I do not blame the Indian people for the plight of Africans; in the same way I don’t blame the African people for the suffering of Indians under the PNC. In both cases I hold the governments responsible for the excesses.
Third, nobody can seriously accuse me of remaining quiet when Indian people are under attack -- my record speaks for itself.
Fourth, I am not advocating violence against Indian people or the Indian government. That is the worst solution; all of us will be consumed. I am instead supporting African defiance and militancy against those who are intent on confining their role in Guyana to something called "opposition."
Fifth, I do not absolve African people from fault for our collective condition. But our problem is not simply that we like to party and spend lavishly as some Indians think. Our problem is that we have not cherished enough who we are -- self-love.
Finally, I am sure the cynics in our midst will say that I do not speak for African Guyanese. That is their business. I speak as an African Guyanese. When I put my life on the line to fight and help bring down an African Guyanese government, I never did so to install an Indian Guyanese government. We in the WPA fought for a government of national unity. So I am not a "just come" to power sharing.
Despite attempts to frame it in violent and racist terms, Tacuma Ogunseye's call has served the purpose of putting the question of race and governance back on sensible footing. From Eusi Kwayana's call in 1961 for joint premiership to the PPP's call for a National Patriotic Front in 1977 to the WPA's 1979 proposal for a Government of National Unity and Reconstruction to the PNC's call for Shared Governance in 2002, the issue of power sharing has been about how to achieve security for all races beginning at the political level.
All of the proposals I referenced above started from the position that intra-racial solidarity is a given in our political culture. Kwayana captured the essence of the problem in 1961 this way: “We have known all along that the Indians would not trust a black leader and that the Africans would not trust an Indian leader.” That reading was correct in 1961 and it is even more correct fifty years later.
Power sharing, therefore, is not simply about a political system -- that's the institutional aspect of it. The advocacy of power sharing is rooted in the very notion of the fundamental human right of each ethnic group to determine how the government of Guyana is operated. As Kwayana put in in 1961: “Equality of rights and power for African and Indian as custodians of the whole. Justice by Law for minorities.”
When we African Guyanese advocate power sharing we are not begging the PPP to share with us. We are instead affirming the right of the descendants of enslaved Africans to joint ownership of a space that is watered with three centuries and more with their sacrifices. If we co-own Guyana then we must co-govern it. If you deny us the right to co-govern then you are saying we do not co-own. And that we will not accept.
I refuse as an African Guyanese to accept a political system whereby African Guyanese children cannot aspire to be the president or be part of the government of Guyana. People sit around and clap-trap about whether power sharing would work or wouldn't work. They can continue to do so. This is not about majoritarian democracy; this is about the honor, dignity, human right and birthright of the African Guyanese people.
These cannot and should not be equated to some simplistic notion of democracy, especially by those who because of the numerical strength of their ethnic group don’t have to worry about being excluded. Do those Indians from ROAR, PPP, AFC, PNC and civil society know that every time they open their mouths to tell us that power sharing won’t work that they are in fact telling African Guyanese to accept their internal colonization?
I am pleading with you my Indian brethren and sisterin to please desist from disrespecting us like that. Democracy for you can mean numbers because your group has the numbers -- majoritarian democracy. Democracy for us cannot mean mere numbers; it means numbers and substance (substantive democracy).
These people lecture us on the need for democracy as the solution to our problems. They tell us that our call for power sharing is undemocratic. But we say power sharing is a higher form of democracy because it prevents one group from dominating the other. Some of you are satisfied with wooing a few Africans to your side and some Africans are satisfied with wooing a few Indians to their side. That, as our experience in Guyana since 1955 has shown, is nothing more than a passport to ethnic domination.
We Africans are democrats. When we fought against and threw of the physical chains of slavery, we struck a blow for democracy. We ensured that those ethnic groups that came after did not come as slaves. When we stood on the frontlines with others to dismantle colonialism we did so for democracy. When our own kind subverted democracy in our name, we took to the streets to stop them. Yes, the streets.
We are democrats. But we do not want a democracy whereby others speak for us and decide for us. We earned the right to sit at the table as genuine co-equals and should and will accept nothing less. Jagdeo can boast about his crowds at Linden. But he does not speak for or represent the interests of African Guyanese. He is our president but not our leader. He cannot tell us we have “blood on our hands” and want to be our leader. We want to speak for ourselves and lead ourselves.
We want the right to self-determination. Mr Ravi Dev can call that a "false dilemma" but as our ancestral wisdom taught us "If you nah live a house, you nah know whey e ah leak."
Mr Dev tells us to consider the PPP's "inclusionary democracy" and ROAR's Federalism. Dev is a serious man. He knows race better than many. But in this instance he is taking black people for granted by asking us to consider the PPP's inclusionary democracy. Mr Dev, for your information, it is the PPP's inclusionary democracy that we are aiming to put an end to. The PPP's inclusionary democracy is best described by another name: inclusionary domination.
African Guyanese are not expelled from Guyana. There is no ethnic cleansing. Their representatives are in parliament and on Boards. But they are systematically marginalized from the decision making councils of government. They are included in the system, but they are dominated by those who hold the power to decide whether they are hired or fired. Some African Guyanese individuals are included in the cabinet but on terms that are dictated by the representatives of Indian Guyanese.
Dev tells us to consider Federalism as an answer, but under Dev’s federal system we would have three East Indian dominated governments -- Essequibo, Berbice and Guyana -- and one African dominated -- Demerara. That’s not equality. We Africans don't want favors and handouts. We want power -- the ability to help determine "who gets what, when and how."
There is a new class of anti-African black people whose blackness is confined to their black skins. They are race-traders who seek to trade the dignity of African Guyanese for handouts. This is what I exposed in Buxton last year -- the grave insult of having their children dance for the chief in exchange for a dance-hall. When we Africans say Massa Day Done, we must mean it. We are saying no to internal colonization whereby we have no voice in our own country.
Mr Dev tells the black party and other activist to try to woo Indian voters. Well if he, a professed Indianist, couldn't woo Indian voters away from the PPP, why does he think we can do it? Mr Sam Hinds, an African, tells Africans to vote PPP in order to be included. He tells us in effect to condemn election rigging before we can enjoy full citizenship in Guyana. It is clear that the logic is that before we Africans sit at the table we must bow down before the almighty PPP and repent.
African Guyanese people have nothing to apologize for or be ashamed of. If the PNC wants to apologize for its past excesses, that's their business. But significant sections of Africans Guyanese fought against the PNC. That is a fact that cannot be washed away by Mr Hinds’ strange condemnation of his race.
Mr Hinds’ friends on the other side do not have to rig national elections because they have the numbers. But he may want to check the 1961 High Court ruling on the election in the Huston constituency. When all the Africans were voted out from the PPP executive in 1959, no less a person than Ms Janet Jagan equated that action with what was happening in apartheid South Africa. As Chalkdust, the calypsonian, said in song “Dey can’t fool me -- I in town too long”
Ravi Dev accuses me and Sherwood Lowe of ignoring Indian fears, of limited context and of being concerned solely about the fears of Africans. That is unkind. Sherwood Lowe has already replied to him. Dev knows only too well that my political activism is located in a broader multi-racial praxis. I deliberately put that in my letter last week because I anticipated this charge, even if I didn't expect it from Ravi Dev.
We are calling for power sharing -- not African domination of the government. Inherent in that is an acknowledgement of Indian fears and their right to participate as equals in the governance of Guyana. Must I remind Dev that, when Africans were using Buxton as their base to attack Indians, Bro Kwayana, Sister Andaiye and myself, in spite of the potential danger to our lives, were forthright in our condemnation of such acts.
When Indians were the victims of ‘kick down the door” violence in the 1980s, it was Eusi Kwayana and the WPA that elevated that phenomenon to national prominence. When basic food items were banned in the 1980s, which many Indians believed was aimed at “starving” them, it was the WPA which spearheaded the “food rebellion in 1983. It was the WPA that called two “days of rest” against the food shortage in 1983 which were opposed and boycotted by the PPP. It was the WPA that organized the Sugar and Bauxite Unity Committee that comprised Indian and African workers who coordinated strikes in the sugar and bauxite industries and held marches to press for a lifting of the ban on basic food items.
And in all of these activities we Africans were on the frontlines opposing a government of our kind. Yes Ravi, Ogunseye and David Hinds were there. For the record, I never saw Sam Hinds, Westford, Webster, Lumumba and company there. This for me is not theory; its practice.
We acknowledge Indian fears, but Indian representatives must not use those fears to justify Indian domination of and African exclusion from the government. When the PNC used African fears to dominate the government and excluded the representatives of Indians, they were wrong. Now the PPP is doing it, they are equally wrong. Mr Dev turns us into bullies or he may think that we are natural bullies. What a revelation! African Guyanese have been bullied into inferiority for the last twenty years yet when we say enough is enough we are called bullies. Is it possible to bully others to give you what is rightfully yours -- your fair share of the political resource of decision making?
Dev comes back to the PPP's song that Africans are not marginalized because we do not provide proof of marginalization. I have said over and over that we can argue over the manifestation of African exclusion, but the essence of the marginalization lie in the institutional framework.
The central question is not how many Africans get scholarships to go to Cuba or are in big positions, but who has the authority to make those decisions. It’s like the slave master pointing to the number of house slaves as evidence that slavery is not really slavery. It’s like beating someone and then asking them to give evidence of their beating.
Dev raises the question of the military. Africans dominate the army and police but those institutions are controlled by the political state. The military in Guyana does not have any autonomy as is for example the case with the military in Latin America. But parity of the armed forces cannot be discussed outside of parity in the economic sector and in the government.
Let's put everything on the table. If we are going down that road let us be honest. You want more Indian soldiers and police, we want more representation for Africans in the economic sector, in particular the private sector. You want more Indian civil servants; we want more investment and jobs in bauxite. But before we get there let us settle the big one -- We want part of the power of decision making to be in the hands of African Guyanese representatives. That is not negotiable.
May 10, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
When I came out in support of Tacuma Ogunseye's call for African Guyanese to take to the streets to demand power sharing, I did so because I sensed that people were playing politics with the issue.
Let me preface today’s offering with a few general observations.
First, I make a distinction between the Indian masses, whose lives are as miserable as Africans, and the Indian government, which is as unaccountable to Indians as it is to the Africans.
Second, I do not blame the Indian people for the plight of Africans; in the same way I don’t blame the African people for the suffering of Indians under the PNC. In both cases I hold the governments responsible for the excesses. Third, nobody can seriously accuse me of remaining quiet when Indian people are under attack -- my record speaks for itself.
Fourth, I am not advocating violence against Indian people or the Indian government. That is the worst solution; all of us will be consumed. I am instead supporting African defiance and militancy against those who are intent on confining their role in Guyana to something called "opposition."
Fifth, I do not absolve African people from fault for our collective condition. But our problem is not simply that we like to party and spend lavishly as some Indians think. Our problem is that we have not cherished enough who we are -- self-love.
Finally, I am sure the cynics in our midst will say that I do not speak for African Guyanese. That is their business. I speak as an African Guyanese. When I put my life on the line to fight and help bring down an African Guyanese government, I never did so to install an Indian Guyanese government. We in the WPA fought for a government of national unity. So I am not a "just come" to power sharing.
Despite attempts to frame it in violent and racist terms, Tacuma Ogunseye's call has served the purpose of putting the question of race and governance back on sensible footing. From Eusi Kwayana's call in 1961 for joint premiership to the PPP's call for a National Patriotic Front in 1977 to the WPA's 1979 proposal for a Government of National Unity and Reconstruction to the PNC's call for Shared Governance in 2002, the issue of power sharing has been about how to achieve security for all races beginning at the political level.
All of the proposals I referenced above started from the position that intra-racial solidarity is a given in our political culture. Kwayana captured the essence of the problem in 1961 this way: “We have known all along that the Indians would not trust a black leader and that the Africans would not trust an Indian leader.” That reading was correct in 1961 and it is even more correct fifty years later.
Power sharing, therefore, is not simply about a political system -- that's the institutional aspect of it. The advocacy of power sharing is rooted in the very notion of the fundamental human right of each ethnic group to determine how the government of Guyana is operated. As Kwayana put in in 1961: “Equality of rights and power for African and Indian as custodians of the whole. Justice by Law for minorities.”
When we African Guyanese advocate power sharing we are not begging the PPP to share with us. We are instead affirming the right of the descendants of enslaved Africans to joint ownership of a space that is watered with three centuries and more with their sacrifices. If we co-own Guyana then we must co-govern it. If you deny us the right to co-govern then you are saying we do not co-own. And that we will not accept.
I refuse as an African Guyanese to accept a political system whereby African Guyanese children cannot aspire to be the president or be part of the government of Guyana. People sit around and clap-trap about whether power sharing would work or wouldn't work. They can continue to do so. This is not about majoritarian democracy; this is about the honor, dignity, human right and birthright of the African Guyanese people.
These cannot and should not be equated to some simplistic notion of democracy, especially by those who because of the numerical strength of their ethnic group don’t have to worry about being excluded. Do those Indians from ROAR, PPP, AFC, PNC and civil society know that every time they open their mouths to tell us that power sharing won’t work that they are in fact telling African Guyanese to accept their internal colonization?
I am pleading with you my Indian brethren and sisterin to please desist from disrespecting us like that. Democracy for you can mean numbers because your group has the numbers -- majoritarian democracy. Democracy for us cannot mean mere numbers; it means numbers and substance (substantive democracy).
These people lecture us on the need for democracy as the solution to our problems. They tell us that our call for power sharing is undemocratic. But we say power sharing is a higher form of democracy because it prevents one group from dominating the other. Some of you are satisfied with wooing a few Africans to your side and some Africans are satisfied with wooing a few Indians to their side. That, as our experience in Guyana since 1955 has shown, is nothing more than a passport to ethnic domination.
We Africans are democrats. When we fought against and threw of the physical chains of slavery, we struck a blow for democracy. We ensured that those ethnic groups that came after did not come as slaves. When we stood on the frontlines with others to dismantle colonialism we did so for democracy. When our own kind subverted democracy in our name, we took to the streets to stop them. Yes, the streets.
We are democrats. But we do not want a democracy whereby others speak for us and decide for us. We earned the right to sit at the table as genuine co-equals and should and will accept nothing less. Jagdeo can boast about his crowds at Linden. But he does not speak for or represent the interests of African Guyanese. He is our president but not our leader. He cannot tell us we have “blood on our hands” and want to be our leader. We want to speak for ourselves and lead ourselves.
We want the right to self-determination. Mr Ravi Dev can call that a "false dilemma" but as our ancestral wisdom taught us "If you nah live a house, you nah know whey e ah leak."
Mr Dev tells us to consider the PPP's "inclusionary democracy" and ROAR's Federalism. Dev is a serious man. He knows race better than many. But in this instance he is taking black people for granted by asking us to consider the PPP's inclusionary democracy. Mr Dev, for your information, it is the PPP's inclusionary democracy that we are aiming to put an end to. The PPP's inclusionary democracy is best described by another name: inclusionary domination.
African Guyanese are not expelled from Guyana. There is no ethnic cleansing. Their representatives are in parliament and on Boards. But they are systematically marginalized from the decision making councils of government. They are included in the system, but they are dominated by those who hold the power to decide whether they are hired or fired. Some African Guyanese individuals are included in the cabinet but on terms that are dictated by the representatives of Indian Guyanese.
Dev tells us to consider Federalism as an answer, but under Dev’s federal system we would have three East Indian dominated governments -- Essequibo, Berbice and Guyana -- and one African dominated -- Demerara. That’s not equality. We Africans don't want favors and handouts. We want power -- the ability to help determine "who gets what, when and how."
There is a new class of anti-African black people whose blackness is confined to their black skins. They are race-traders who seek to trade the dignity of African Guyanese for handouts. This is what I exposed in Buxton last year -- the grave insult of having their children dance for the chief in exchange for a dance-hall. When we Africans say Massa Day Done, we must mean it. We are saying no to internal colonization whereby we have no voice in our own country.
Mr Dev tells the black party and other activist to try to woo Indian voters. Well if he, a professed Indianist, couldn't woo Indian voters away from the PPP, why does he think we can do it? Mr Sam Hinds, an African, tells Africans to vote PPP in order to be included. He tells us in effect to condemn election rigging before we can enjoy full citizenship in Guyana. It is clear that the logic is that before we Africans sit at the table we must bow down before the almighty PPP and repent.
African Guyanese people have nothing to apologize for or be ashamed of. If the PNC wants to apologize for its past excesses, that's their business. But significant sections of Africans Guyanese fought against the PNC. That is a fact that cannot be washed away by Mr Hinds’ strange condemnation of his race.
Mr Hinds’ friends on the other side do not have to rig national elections because they have the numbers. But he may want to check the 1961 High Court ruling on the election in the Huston constituency. When all the Africans were voted out from the PPP executive in 1959, no less a person than Ms Janet Jagan equated that action with what was happening in apartheid South Africa. As Chalkdust, the calypsonian, said in song “Dey can’t fool me -- I in town too long”
Ravi Dev accuses me and Sherwood Lowe of ignoring Indian fears, of limited context and of being concerned solely about the fears of Africans. That is unkind. Sherwood Lowe has already replied to him. Dev knows only too well that my political activism is located in a broader multi-racial praxis. I deliberately put that in my letter last week because I anticipated this charge, even if I didn't expect it from Ravi Dev.
We are calling for power sharing -- not African domination of the government. Inherent in that is an acknowledgement of Indian fears and their right to participate as equals in the governance of Guyana. Must I remind Dev that, when Africans were using Buxton as their base to attack Indians, Bro Kwayana, Sister Andaiye and myself, in spite of the potential danger to our lives, were forthright in our condemnation of such acts.
When Indians were the victims of ‘kick down the door” violence in the 1980s, it was Eusi Kwayana and the WPA that elevated that phenomenon to national prominence. When basic food items were banned in the 1980s, which many Indians believed was aimed at “starving” them, it was the WPA which spearheaded the “food rebellion in 1983. It was the WPA that called two “days of rest” against the food shortage in 1983 which were opposed and boycotted by the PPP. It was the WPA that organized the Sugar and Bauxite Unity Committee that comprised Indian and African workers who coordinated strikes in the sugar and bauxite industries and held marches to press for a lifting of the ban on basic food items.
And in all of these activities we Africans were on the frontlines opposing a government of our kind. Yes Ravi, Ogunseye and David Hinds were there. For the record, I never saw Sam Hinds, Westford, Webster, Lumumba and company there. This for me is not theory; its practice.
We acknowledge Indian fears, but Indian representatives must not use those fears to justify Indian domination of and African exclusion from the government. When the PNC used African fears to dominate the government and excluded the representatives of Indians, they were wrong. Now the PPP is doing it, they are equally wrong. Mr Dev turns us into bullies or he may think that we are natural bullies. What a revelation! African Guyanese have been bullied into inferiority for the last twenty years yet when we say enough is enough we are called bullies. Is it possible to bully others to give you what is rightfully yours -- your fair share of the political resource of decision making?
Dev comes back to the PPP's song that Africans are not marginalized because we do not provide proof of marginalization. I have said over and over that we can argue over the manifestation of African exclusion, but the essence of the marginalization lie in the institutional framework.
The central question is not how many Africans get scholarships to go to Cuba or are in big positions, but who has the authority to make those decisions. It’s like the slave master pointing to the number of house slaves as evidence that slavery is not really slavery. It’s like beating someone and then asking them to give evidence of their beating.
Dev raises the question of the military. Africans dominate the army and police but those institutions are controlled by the political state. The military in Guyana does not have any autonomy as is for example the case with the military in Latin America. But parity of the armed forces cannot be discussed outside of parity in the economic sector and in the government.
Let's put everything on the table. If we are going down that road let us be honest. You want more Indian soldiers and police, we want more representation for Africans in the economic sector, in particular the private sector. You want more Indian civil servants; we want more investment and jobs in bauxite. But before we get there let us settle the big one -- We want part of the power of decision making to be in the hands of African Guyanese representatives. That is not negotiable.
May 10, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
Monday, May 9, 2011
Port Salut, Haiti in its splendour!
By Jean H Charles
The first Sunday after Easter is the celebration of Quasimodo -- Jesus reminding Thomas in particular, the doubters in general, to have faith in his redemptive mission. It is also, in Haiti, the time for a major religious crusade, bringing people from all over the country and from the Diaspora into a manifestation of prayer and faith in Divine Providence.
It was the 17th Annual Congress, and one of my sisters, Mary-Jo, never fails to attend the religious festival, travelling each time from abroad just for the event. It was my first. I was awestruck by the religious belief and the fervor of more than 10.000 people kneeling, sometimes in the mud, manifesting their faith that mercy is on the way on that special day.
The Monday after Quasimodo, like the Monday after Easter, is the time for picnicking and for outings in the countryside. I took my sister on a long trip (three and a half hours -- 200 km) in the south of Haiti to the town of Port Salut for a two days touristic adventure. I was not disappoinred. Port Salut is Haiti in its splendor. A small town right by the sea, Port Salut is potentially Bali, Indonesia, Acapulco, Mexico and the French Riviera.
We stayed at Dan’s Creek, a quaint, small boutique hotel, where the couple, Katia and Evinx Daniel, holds court with an attentive staff to make the journey an enjoyable and pleasant experience. It starts right at the beginning; the dinner, which is part of the package (breakfast and supper are included in the price of the room: $160 per night for a suite, and $120 for a regular room) was scintillating. My sister has lobster; I had a grilled giant fish. The last time I had such a pleasant fish dining experience was in Istanbul, Turkey.
Evinx is the quintessential nation builder. He was the recipient of the 2010 Digicel competition for the businessman and the entrepreneur of the year in the country. A CPA by profession, who sold out his established insurance agency in Florida to move to the motherland, he has almost singlehandedly transformed the vista of a sleeping fishing village into a resort town with a modern supermarket, several French restaurants, a forthcoming marina and a buzz that Port Salut is the town to own a piece of real estate in.
Yet, he is not a native son. He and his wife, Katia, a nurse by profession, fell in love with the creek that was the focus for a detritus dump. It is now the setting of beautiful hotel.
I took a long walk in the morning throughout the village talking to the natives, inquiring as to which types of activities would enrich each one of them. A young man told me about building a factory. I led his answer towards a fruit and produce cooperative instead.
I got an approving nod when I told him those giant breadfruits that are sold four for one dollar in Port Salut can fetch $28 dollars at retail in the United States. I have seen giant apricots as big as a melon, a specialty fruit not seen or sold yet in the American supermarkets. I bought a full section of baby bananas (25) for $2, they command $0.99 a pound in New York.
Yet, everything is not paradise in Port Salut; I met young men not in school in the morning. My inquiry led me to the information that a group of teachers have been conducting a strike for an unpaid month’s salary.
After the debacle of the elections of November 28, 2010, the people in fury because of the theft of their popular vote burned the tax collector building of Les Cayes, the capital of the south of Haiti. Salary checks issued to public employees were charred and destroyed. The Ministry of Education has not make good of those payments. It follows that kids are idle; an annual examination might be compromised.
On my way back to Port au Prince, the capital of Haiti, I used my personal connections to meet with the Minister of Education and bring about a remedy to the situation. I have been promised a swift resolution. Kids will return to school, the teachers will be paid.
After a long conversation with Evinx in the evening, as Thomas putting his hand into the crucified hands of Jesus, and having set foot in Port Salut, my faith in Haiti was renewed; the candidature of Michel Joseph Martelly took birth right there at Dan’s creek hotel.
Evinx plans to shy away from the political glare and dedicate himself to his business and promoting the idyllic southern coastal area of Haiti.
There are plans in the way for members of the Diaspora to combine their contributions together ($100 per year) to provide each one of the 142 villages of Haiti with $3 million of investment per year for infrastructure, for institution- building and for incubating national entrepreneurship.
Port Salut is just one of the picturesque sites of the chain of towns and villages all along the southern coastal part of Haiti awaiting the influx of the Diaspora and foreign investors to magnify the natural resources for the benefit of all concerned.
The southern coast is also close to Jamaica and one of its most recent touristic ports of call, Portsmouth. The synergy of linking both territories into a travel destination can only benefit both countries and the millions of tourists seeking the latest trend in cultural experience.
The Easter season, as springtime, called for faith in the process of renewal of nature. The forthcoming government, the natural beauty of Port Salut and its environment give me faith in the future of Haiti. It has been and remains as “fabuloso” as Christopher Columbus found it some five hundred years ago!
May 9, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
The first Sunday after Easter is the celebration of Quasimodo -- Jesus reminding Thomas in particular, the doubters in general, to have faith in his redemptive mission. It is also, in Haiti, the time for a major religious crusade, bringing people from all over the country and from the Diaspora into a manifestation of prayer and faith in Divine Providence.
It was the 17th Annual Congress, and one of my sisters, Mary-Jo, never fails to attend the religious festival, travelling each time from abroad just for the event. It was my first. I was awestruck by the religious belief and the fervor of more than 10.000 people kneeling, sometimes in the mud, manifesting their faith that mercy is on the way on that special day.
The Monday after Quasimodo, like the Monday after Easter, is the time for picnicking and for outings in the countryside. I took my sister on a long trip (three and a half hours -- 200 km) in the south of Haiti to the town of Port Salut for a two days touristic adventure. I was not disappoinred. Port Salut is Haiti in its splendor. A small town right by the sea, Port Salut is potentially Bali, Indonesia, Acapulco, Mexico and the French Riviera.We stayed at Dan’s Creek, a quaint, small boutique hotel, where the couple, Katia and Evinx Daniel, holds court with an attentive staff to make the journey an enjoyable and pleasant experience. It starts right at the beginning; the dinner, which is part of the package (breakfast and supper are included in the price of the room: $160 per night for a suite, and $120 for a regular room) was scintillating. My sister has lobster; I had a grilled giant fish. The last time I had such a pleasant fish dining experience was in Istanbul, Turkey.
Evinx is the quintessential nation builder. He was the recipient of the 2010 Digicel competition for the businessman and the entrepreneur of the year in the country. A CPA by profession, who sold out his established insurance agency in Florida to move to the motherland, he has almost singlehandedly transformed the vista of a sleeping fishing village into a resort town with a modern supermarket, several French restaurants, a forthcoming marina and a buzz that Port Salut is the town to own a piece of real estate in.
Yet, he is not a native son. He and his wife, Katia, a nurse by profession, fell in love with the creek that was the focus for a detritus dump. It is now the setting of beautiful hotel.
I took a long walk in the morning throughout the village talking to the natives, inquiring as to which types of activities would enrich each one of them. A young man told me about building a factory. I led his answer towards a fruit and produce cooperative instead.
I got an approving nod when I told him those giant breadfruits that are sold four for one dollar in Port Salut can fetch $28 dollars at retail in the United States. I have seen giant apricots as big as a melon, a specialty fruit not seen or sold yet in the American supermarkets. I bought a full section of baby bananas (25) for $2, they command $0.99 a pound in New York.
Yet, everything is not paradise in Port Salut; I met young men not in school in the morning. My inquiry led me to the information that a group of teachers have been conducting a strike for an unpaid month’s salary.
After the debacle of the elections of November 28, 2010, the people in fury because of the theft of their popular vote burned the tax collector building of Les Cayes, the capital of the south of Haiti. Salary checks issued to public employees were charred and destroyed. The Ministry of Education has not make good of those payments. It follows that kids are idle; an annual examination might be compromised.
On my way back to Port au Prince, the capital of Haiti, I used my personal connections to meet with the Minister of Education and bring about a remedy to the situation. I have been promised a swift resolution. Kids will return to school, the teachers will be paid.
After a long conversation with Evinx in the evening, as Thomas putting his hand into the crucified hands of Jesus, and having set foot in Port Salut, my faith in Haiti was renewed; the candidature of Michel Joseph Martelly took birth right there at Dan’s creek hotel.
Evinx plans to shy away from the political glare and dedicate himself to his business and promoting the idyllic southern coastal area of Haiti.
There are plans in the way for members of the Diaspora to combine their contributions together ($100 per year) to provide each one of the 142 villages of Haiti with $3 million of investment per year for infrastructure, for institution- building and for incubating national entrepreneurship.
Port Salut is just one of the picturesque sites of the chain of towns and villages all along the southern coastal part of Haiti awaiting the influx of the Diaspora and foreign investors to magnify the natural resources for the benefit of all concerned.
The southern coast is also close to Jamaica and one of its most recent touristic ports of call, Portsmouth. The synergy of linking both territories into a travel destination can only benefit both countries and the millions of tourists seeking the latest trend in cultural experience.
The Easter season, as springtime, called for faith in the process of renewal of nature. The forthcoming government, the natural beauty of Port Salut and its environment give me faith in the future of Haiti. It has been and remains as “fabuloso” as Christopher Columbus found it some five hundred years ago!
May 9, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
Thursday, May 5, 2011
Living long with good quality life - even with cancer - will be an achievable goal in this century
The Changing Face Of Cancer In The Bahamas
Tribune242 Insight
Nassau, The Bahamas
This year nearly 1,000 Bahamians will be told they have cancer. Today around 5,000 are living with the disease but this could soar to over 10,000 by 2020 because of the remarkable advances on the horizon. There has been an explosion in our understanding of cancer as a disorder of growth control of the body's cells and we are now poised to see some incredible advances in its prevention, detection and treatment.
Cancer is associated with age - the longer we live the more likely we are to get the disease. So as healthcare round the world gets better people live longer and so the number of people with cancer inevitably rises. Of course young people and children can get cancer too but fortunately it's much rarer. You can reduce your risk of getting cancer by not smoking and eating a healthy diet - eating plenty of fresh fruit and vegetables and avoiding too much fatty food. Exercise also reduces cancer risk. Going for screening tests such as mammography and cervical smears allows cancer to be detected at an earlier phase in its evolution.
If you get any of the following symptoms you should go and see your doctor.
* A lump somewhere on your body.
* Changes in a mole on your skin.
* A cough or hoarseness that won't go away.
* A change in bowel habits.
* Difficulty in swallowing or continuing indigestion.
* Any abnormal bleeding.
* A sore or ulcer that won't heal.
* Difficulty passing urine.
* Unexplained weight loss.
* Unexplained pain.
* Feeling very tired all the time.
Cancer screening is a source of much debate. At the interface between public health, specialist care, economics and policy, it creates tensions between professional groups, politicians, the media and the public. A screening test may be cheap, but applying it to a population (with rigorous quality control and effective processing of patients with abnormal results) creates a huge workload and therefore cost. Screening can also have profound psychological effects on individuals. People with false-positive results require investigation and yet are usually eventually found not to have cancer. Unless screening can be shown to reduce the death rate from a specific cancer, the resources used are better spent on improving care, and this has led to disparities in screening recommendations between countries.
The Human Genome Project is likely to provide both new approaches to cancer risk assessment and new challenges for developing screening strategies, by risk banding populations based on changes in cancer risk genes.
Cancer is classified by the tissue in which it arises. It is a disease caused by normal cells changing so that they start to grow in an uncontrolled way. The uncontrolled growth causes a lump called a tumour to form. If not treated, the tumour will cause problems in one or more of the following ways:
* Spreading into normal tissues nearby.
* Causing pressure on other body structures.
* Spreading to other parts of the body through the lymphatic system or bloodstream.
* Causing failure of a major organ system.
* Disrupting blood flow to critical parts of the body.
There are over 200 different types of cancer because there are over 200 different types of cells in the body. The four commonest types are prostate, breast, lung and colon cancer. The initial abnormality is called the primary cancer. But it can also spread - a process called metastasis - from two Greek words meta meaning change and stasis meaning place. When cancer spreads it can damage critical organs such as the liver, lungs and brain. This ability to spread to secondary sites makes cancer potentially lethal as it can then interfere with vital body functions. Each primary site has its own characteristic pattern of spread. So breast cancer goes to bone, liver and lung whilst colon cancer likes to spread through the veins draining into the liver. Each primary cancer has its own characteristic age distribution. So breast cancer is common in women between 40 and 60 whilst prostate cancer occurs two decades later. Cancer can also occur in children although it's rare. Many children's cancers can be effectively cured by a combination of complex treatments.
Doctors that specialise in treating cancer are called oncologists. Usually the diagnosis of cancer is made by a surgeon. A biopsy is the key to making the diagnosis. This is just a piece of tissue removed by a surgeon using either a needle or by removing a larger sample under an anaesthetic. Many symptoms can be caused by cancer - the most important piece of advice is to go to your doctor if you have any progressive problem that doesn't right itself after two weeks. The biopsy sample is sent to the pathology laboratory and examined under the microscope. The pathologist is able to recognise the characteristic cancer cells with their disordered growth pattern and classify them in a way useful to the oncologist.
Once a diagnosis is made the next step is to find out how far the cancer has spread - a process called staging. We have several classification systems to stage cancer. Put simply, stage I disease is confined to the organ in which the first abnormal cells arose, stage II usually involves spread to neighbouring lymph nodes, stage III to other organs locally and stage IV widely around the body. To determine the stage of a cancer a range of diagnostic tests are used. These include blood tests, ultrasound, CT and MRI scans and sometimes some special investigations that may require going to Miami or Fort Lauderdale. The reason staging is important is that it really makes sure that the best treatment plan for an individual patient can be determined. Once the diagnostic tests are completed the oncologist creates the treatment plan. This can involve one or several of the following:
Surgery
Surgery may be used to confirm a diagnosis, find out more about a cancer, as a treatment to remove the cancer or for reconstruction of part of the body. There are some excellent surgeons in the Bahamas who are able to carry out very effective treatments for most types of localized cancer.
Radiotherapy
Radiotherapy is the use of high energy rays to destroy cancer cells. It may be used to cure some cancers, to reduce the chance of recurrence or for symptom relief. There is a state of the art service run by The Cancer Centre, Bahamas using a very modern machine which provides a very effective service. Radiotherapy has to be given each day for several weeks. Going to the US for treatment is no longer necessary. Instead the Cancer Centre in Collins Avenue can provide the latest precision based techniques, including intensity modulated radiotherapy - the gold standard in terms of precision delivery. There are three radiation therapists working in Nassau, including Professor Arthur Porter who for several years was Director of the Radiation Therapy Department in Detroit.
Chemotherapy
There are over 150 different chemotherapy drugs that may be used alone or in combination. Different drugs cause different side effects and may be given in a variety of ways. Some cancers respond well to chemotherapy - others less so. Many of the drugs are given by infusion into a vein. Specialist nurses are usually responsible for giving chemotherapy although the oncologist decides on the exact prescription. In Nassau chemotherapy is given at Princess Margaret Hospital, The Cancer Centre, Bahamas, Doctors Hospital and in some doctors' offices. Most of the drugs can be given in a day unit without the need to be admitted to hospital.
Biological therapies
Biological therapies use substances that occur naturally in the body to destroy cancer cells. They include monoclonal antibodies, cancer growth inhibitors, vaccines and gene therapy. They are a very fruitful area for further research.
Hormonal therapies
Hormonal therapies alter the way hormones which occur naturally in the body affect cancer cells. They're most commonly used to treat breast and prostate cancer.
Supportive therapies
Supportive therapies can be given in addition to or as part of the main treatment. They include steroids, blood or platelet transfusions and bisphosphonates to strengthen damaged bone.
Clinical trials are medical research trials involving patients. They are carried out to try and find new and better treatments. Patients take part in trials in all areas of medicine, not just in cancer and not just to test treatment. For example, a clinical trial might be used to compare different ways of diagnosing an illness, or it might test techniques for preventing a particular cancer. Carrying out clinical trials is the only sure way to find out if a new approach to cancer care is better than the standard treatments currently used. Without trials, there is a risk that patients could be given treatments which have no advantage, waste resources and might even be harmful to them.
The Future
Dramatic progress is likely in surgery, radiotherapy and chemotherapy leading to increased cure but at a price. The completion of the human genome project will bring sophisticated genetic risk assessment requiring careful integration into screening programmes. And excellent palliative care to relieve pain and suffering must be a basic right. The next twenty years will be a time of unprecedented innovation.
Cancer will become a chronic illness, joining conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and asthma. These will impact on how people live but do not inexorably lead to death. Long-term survival will be normal even for many patients with cancers that have spread from their primary site. The political importance of cancer is huge, as voters perceive it as the most pertinent issue in health today.
Cancer treatment is undergoing a revolution. Within twenty years cancer will be a chronic disease, joining conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and asthma. These conditions impact on the way people live and not inexorably lead to death. The model of prostate cancer, where many men die with it rather than from it, will be common for most cancers. Progress will be made in prevention. Even greater progress will be made in understanding the myriad causes of cancer.
When a cancer does develop, refinements of current technologies - in imaging, radiotherapy and surgery - together with the availability of targeted drugs will make it controllable. Cure will still be sought, but will not be the only satisfactory outcome. Patients will be closely monitored after treatment, but fear that cancer will definitely kill, still prevalent today, will be replaced by an acceptance that many forms of cancer are a consequence of old age. Looking into the future is fraught with difficulties. Who could have imagined in the 1980s the impact of mobile phones, the internet and low-cost airlines on global communication? Medicine will be overtaken by similarly unexpected step changes in innovation.
More patients will benefit from better diagnosis and newer treatments, with greater emphasis on quality of life. Innovation will inevitably bring more inequality to health.
The outcome of the same quality of care differs today between socio-economic groups and will to continue to do so.
Governments will need to ensure health equity for all their constituents. Living long with good quality life even with cancer will be an achievable goal in this century.
May 02, 2011
Tribune242 Insight
Tribune242 Insight
Nassau, The Bahamas
This year nearly 1,000 Bahamians will be told they have cancer. Today around 5,000 are living with the disease but this could soar to over 10,000 by 2020 because of the remarkable advances on the horizon. There has been an explosion in our understanding of cancer as a disorder of growth control of the body's cells and we are now poised to see some incredible advances in its prevention, detection and treatment.
Cancer is associated with age - the longer we live the more likely we are to get the disease. So as healthcare round the world gets better people live longer and so the number of people with cancer inevitably rises. Of course young people and children can get cancer too but fortunately it's much rarer. You can reduce your risk of getting cancer by not smoking and eating a healthy diet - eating plenty of fresh fruit and vegetables and avoiding too much fatty food. Exercise also reduces cancer risk. Going for screening tests such as mammography and cervical smears allows cancer to be detected at an earlier phase in its evolution.
If you get any of the following symptoms you should go and see your doctor.
* A lump somewhere on your body.
* Changes in a mole on your skin.
* A cough or hoarseness that won't go away.
* A change in bowel habits.
* Difficulty in swallowing or continuing indigestion.
* Any abnormal bleeding.
* A sore or ulcer that won't heal.
* Difficulty passing urine.
* Unexplained weight loss.
* Unexplained pain.
* Feeling very tired all the time.
Cancer screening is a source of much debate. At the interface between public health, specialist care, economics and policy, it creates tensions between professional groups, politicians, the media and the public. A screening test may be cheap, but applying it to a population (with rigorous quality control and effective processing of patients with abnormal results) creates a huge workload and therefore cost. Screening can also have profound psychological effects on individuals. People with false-positive results require investigation and yet are usually eventually found not to have cancer. Unless screening can be shown to reduce the death rate from a specific cancer, the resources used are better spent on improving care, and this has led to disparities in screening recommendations between countries.
The Human Genome Project is likely to provide both new approaches to cancer risk assessment and new challenges for developing screening strategies, by risk banding populations based on changes in cancer risk genes.
Cancer is classified by the tissue in which it arises. It is a disease caused by normal cells changing so that they start to grow in an uncontrolled way. The uncontrolled growth causes a lump called a tumour to form. If not treated, the tumour will cause problems in one or more of the following ways:
* Spreading into normal tissues nearby.
* Causing pressure on other body structures.
* Spreading to other parts of the body through the lymphatic system or bloodstream.
* Causing failure of a major organ system.
* Disrupting blood flow to critical parts of the body.
There are over 200 different types of cancer because there are over 200 different types of cells in the body. The four commonest types are prostate, breast, lung and colon cancer. The initial abnormality is called the primary cancer. But it can also spread - a process called metastasis - from two Greek words meta meaning change and stasis meaning place. When cancer spreads it can damage critical organs such as the liver, lungs and brain. This ability to spread to secondary sites makes cancer potentially lethal as it can then interfere with vital body functions. Each primary site has its own characteristic pattern of spread. So breast cancer goes to bone, liver and lung whilst colon cancer likes to spread through the veins draining into the liver. Each primary cancer has its own characteristic age distribution. So breast cancer is common in women between 40 and 60 whilst prostate cancer occurs two decades later. Cancer can also occur in children although it's rare. Many children's cancers can be effectively cured by a combination of complex treatments.
Doctors that specialise in treating cancer are called oncologists. Usually the diagnosis of cancer is made by a surgeon. A biopsy is the key to making the diagnosis. This is just a piece of tissue removed by a surgeon using either a needle or by removing a larger sample under an anaesthetic. Many symptoms can be caused by cancer - the most important piece of advice is to go to your doctor if you have any progressive problem that doesn't right itself after two weeks. The biopsy sample is sent to the pathology laboratory and examined under the microscope. The pathologist is able to recognise the characteristic cancer cells with their disordered growth pattern and classify them in a way useful to the oncologist.
Once a diagnosis is made the next step is to find out how far the cancer has spread - a process called staging. We have several classification systems to stage cancer. Put simply, stage I disease is confined to the organ in which the first abnormal cells arose, stage II usually involves spread to neighbouring lymph nodes, stage III to other organs locally and stage IV widely around the body. To determine the stage of a cancer a range of diagnostic tests are used. These include blood tests, ultrasound, CT and MRI scans and sometimes some special investigations that may require going to Miami or Fort Lauderdale. The reason staging is important is that it really makes sure that the best treatment plan for an individual patient can be determined. Once the diagnostic tests are completed the oncologist creates the treatment plan. This can involve one or several of the following:
Surgery
Surgery may be used to confirm a diagnosis, find out more about a cancer, as a treatment to remove the cancer or for reconstruction of part of the body. There are some excellent surgeons in the Bahamas who are able to carry out very effective treatments for most types of localized cancer.
Radiotherapy
Radiotherapy is the use of high energy rays to destroy cancer cells. It may be used to cure some cancers, to reduce the chance of recurrence or for symptom relief. There is a state of the art service run by The Cancer Centre, Bahamas using a very modern machine which provides a very effective service. Radiotherapy has to be given each day for several weeks. Going to the US for treatment is no longer necessary. Instead the Cancer Centre in Collins Avenue can provide the latest precision based techniques, including intensity modulated radiotherapy - the gold standard in terms of precision delivery. There are three radiation therapists working in Nassau, including Professor Arthur Porter who for several years was Director of the Radiation Therapy Department in Detroit.
Chemotherapy
There are over 150 different chemotherapy drugs that may be used alone or in combination. Different drugs cause different side effects and may be given in a variety of ways. Some cancers respond well to chemotherapy - others less so. Many of the drugs are given by infusion into a vein. Specialist nurses are usually responsible for giving chemotherapy although the oncologist decides on the exact prescription. In Nassau chemotherapy is given at Princess Margaret Hospital, The Cancer Centre, Bahamas, Doctors Hospital and in some doctors' offices. Most of the drugs can be given in a day unit without the need to be admitted to hospital.
Biological therapies
Biological therapies use substances that occur naturally in the body to destroy cancer cells. They include monoclonal antibodies, cancer growth inhibitors, vaccines and gene therapy. They are a very fruitful area for further research.
Hormonal therapies
Hormonal therapies alter the way hormones which occur naturally in the body affect cancer cells. They're most commonly used to treat breast and prostate cancer.
Supportive therapies
Supportive therapies can be given in addition to or as part of the main treatment. They include steroids, blood or platelet transfusions and bisphosphonates to strengthen damaged bone.
Clinical trials are medical research trials involving patients. They are carried out to try and find new and better treatments. Patients take part in trials in all areas of medicine, not just in cancer and not just to test treatment. For example, a clinical trial might be used to compare different ways of diagnosing an illness, or it might test techniques for preventing a particular cancer. Carrying out clinical trials is the only sure way to find out if a new approach to cancer care is better than the standard treatments currently used. Without trials, there is a risk that patients could be given treatments which have no advantage, waste resources and might even be harmful to them.
The Future
Dramatic progress is likely in surgery, radiotherapy and chemotherapy leading to increased cure but at a price. The completion of the human genome project will bring sophisticated genetic risk assessment requiring careful integration into screening programmes. And excellent palliative care to relieve pain and suffering must be a basic right. The next twenty years will be a time of unprecedented innovation.
Cancer will become a chronic illness, joining conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and asthma. These will impact on how people live but do not inexorably lead to death. Long-term survival will be normal even for many patients with cancers that have spread from their primary site. The political importance of cancer is huge, as voters perceive it as the most pertinent issue in health today.
Cancer treatment is undergoing a revolution. Within twenty years cancer will be a chronic disease, joining conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and asthma. These conditions impact on the way people live and not inexorably lead to death. The model of prostate cancer, where many men die with it rather than from it, will be common for most cancers. Progress will be made in prevention. Even greater progress will be made in understanding the myriad causes of cancer.
When a cancer does develop, refinements of current technologies - in imaging, radiotherapy and surgery - together with the availability of targeted drugs will make it controllable. Cure will still be sought, but will not be the only satisfactory outcome. Patients will be closely monitored after treatment, but fear that cancer will definitely kill, still prevalent today, will be replaced by an acceptance that many forms of cancer are a consequence of old age. Looking into the future is fraught with difficulties. Who could have imagined in the 1980s the impact of mobile phones, the internet and low-cost airlines on global communication? Medicine will be overtaken by similarly unexpected step changes in innovation.
More patients will benefit from better diagnosis and newer treatments, with greater emphasis on quality of life. Innovation will inevitably bring more inequality to health.
The outcome of the same quality of care differs today between socio-economic groups and will to continue to do so.
Governments will need to ensure health equity for all their constituents. Living long with good quality life even with cancer will be an achievable goal in this century.
May 02, 2011
Tribune242 Insight
Wednesday, May 4, 2011
African Guyanese have become second class citizens and political aliens
By Dr David Hinds
They have pounced on Tacuma Ogunseye because he called on African Guyanese to join marches in the villages to press for their inclusion in official decision making in a country they have inhabited for centuries. Marches by Africans are now Guyana’s weapons of mass destruction, according to our rulers.
Ogunseye’s critics conveniently ignore the gist of his message: Guyana cannot be a civil society if half of its population is treated as political aliens. Ogunseye is responding to the psychological, economic, cultural and political violence perpetrated on African Guyanese in the name of democracy. Yet he is the one who is being accused of racial violence.
Even some who profess to be friends of African Guyanese, including those who now sit in parliament because of African Guyanese votes, were quick to condemn Ogunseye. But as the calypsonian, Cro Cro, once told African-Trinidadians in song: “Black Man. Alyuh look fuh dat.”
All of this points to something in Guyana that does not inspire confidence that we could become a racially inclusive nation anytime soon. Three things have become clearer in the last few months. First, the East Indian cabal that controls the PPP is committed to the notion that never again will the representatives of African Guyanese get their hands on political power. Second, The African Guyanese people are being punished by this cabal for the excesses of the PNC when it governed. The message is clear: If African Guyanese want to survive in Guyana they must cooperate with and vote for the PPP. Third, the PPP cabal is confident that they have bought over enough African Guyanese from villages, towns, media and unions who are willing to engage in race-trading their fellow Africans.
My political outlook has been shaped in part by two currents in Guyanese political tradition -- black nationalism and multiracialism. For me the two are interrelated -- one is not a negation of the other. When Indian Guyanese were bullied by an African cabal, I joined with others in confronting that cabal.
As a young man, I, along with two fellow Buxtonians, walked into Freedom House and joined Gail Teixeira, Vibert DeSouza, Shirley Edwards and other PPP people in the Worker’s Stage, a PPP cultural group. We went to mainly Indian villages and performed for them. It was our way of showing our solidarity with a people under attack in their own country.
Like Tacuma Ogunseye, I joined the WPA -- not the PNC. We are Africans who once put our lives on the line in defense not just of African freedom but also the freedom of Indian Guyanese to live with dignity in Guyana. I am forever proud of that.
It pains me to witness what our once comrades-in-arms have done to our struggle. I am angered by their willingness to use Africans to do their dirty work. When Prime Minister Sam Hinds and President Jagdeo lecture Tacuma Ogunseye on multiracialism I scream to high heavens. What do these men know of multiracial struggle? They should be thanking Ogunseye every day -- they could not hold their lofty titles had it not been for Ogunseye's multi-racial struggle.
But we shall not be silenced. If I have a voice let me use it in defense of the vulnerable and the disrespected -- in this case African Guyanese. I am ready to say some things “without water in meh mouth.”
African Guyanese have been progressively reduced to second class citizens and political aliens in Guyana. The ethno-racial cabal that has governed Guyana for most of the last nineteen years are the worst rulers in our modern history. They have engaged in the worst form of ethnic politics. Ten years ago it was marginalization. Today I call it colonization-internal colonization of Africans.
I join Freddy Kissoon in declaring this government an elected dictatorship -- an elected ethno-racial dictatorship. They have given democracy a bad name. This PPP government is worse than anything Burnham ever dreamt of. They have not rigged elections. They have instead rigged the government, the treasury and the state of Guyana.
I end with this promise -- I will be at the front of those marches for power sharing. For therein lies the most viable possibility of ethno-racial wholeness in Guyana.
May 4, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
They have pounced on Tacuma Ogunseye because he called on African Guyanese to join marches in the villages to press for their inclusion in official decision making in a country they have inhabited for centuries. Marches by Africans are now Guyana’s weapons of mass destruction, according to our rulers.
Ogunseye’s critics conveniently ignore the gist of his message: Guyana cannot be a civil society if half of its population is treated as political aliens. Ogunseye is responding to the psychological, economic, cultural and political violence perpetrated on African Guyanese in the name of democracy. Yet he is the one who is being accused of racial violence.
Even some who profess to be friends of African Guyanese, including those who now sit in parliament because of African Guyanese votes, were quick to condemn Ogunseye. But as the calypsonian, Cro Cro, once told African-Trinidadians in song: “Black Man. Alyuh look fuh dat.”All of this points to something in Guyana that does not inspire confidence that we could become a racially inclusive nation anytime soon. Three things have become clearer in the last few months. First, the East Indian cabal that controls the PPP is committed to the notion that never again will the representatives of African Guyanese get their hands on political power. Second, The African Guyanese people are being punished by this cabal for the excesses of the PNC when it governed. The message is clear: If African Guyanese want to survive in Guyana they must cooperate with and vote for the PPP. Third, the PPP cabal is confident that they have bought over enough African Guyanese from villages, towns, media and unions who are willing to engage in race-trading their fellow Africans.
My political outlook has been shaped in part by two currents in Guyanese political tradition -- black nationalism and multiracialism. For me the two are interrelated -- one is not a negation of the other. When Indian Guyanese were bullied by an African cabal, I joined with others in confronting that cabal.
As a young man, I, along with two fellow Buxtonians, walked into Freedom House and joined Gail Teixeira, Vibert DeSouza, Shirley Edwards and other PPP people in the Worker’s Stage, a PPP cultural group. We went to mainly Indian villages and performed for them. It was our way of showing our solidarity with a people under attack in their own country.
Like Tacuma Ogunseye, I joined the WPA -- not the PNC. We are Africans who once put our lives on the line in defense not just of African freedom but also the freedom of Indian Guyanese to live with dignity in Guyana. I am forever proud of that.
It pains me to witness what our once comrades-in-arms have done to our struggle. I am angered by their willingness to use Africans to do their dirty work. When Prime Minister Sam Hinds and President Jagdeo lecture Tacuma Ogunseye on multiracialism I scream to high heavens. What do these men know of multiracial struggle? They should be thanking Ogunseye every day -- they could not hold their lofty titles had it not been for Ogunseye's multi-racial struggle.
But we shall not be silenced. If I have a voice let me use it in defense of the vulnerable and the disrespected -- in this case African Guyanese. I am ready to say some things “without water in meh mouth.”
African Guyanese have been progressively reduced to second class citizens and political aliens in Guyana. The ethno-racial cabal that has governed Guyana for most of the last nineteen years are the worst rulers in our modern history. They have engaged in the worst form of ethnic politics. Ten years ago it was marginalization. Today I call it colonization-internal colonization of Africans.
I join Freddy Kissoon in declaring this government an elected dictatorship -- an elected ethno-racial dictatorship. They have given democracy a bad name. This PPP government is worse than anything Burnham ever dreamt of. They have not rigged elections. They have instead rigged the government, the treasury and the state of Guyana.
I end with this promise -- I will be at the front of those marches for power sharing. For therein lies the most viable possibility of ethno-racial wholeness in Guyana.
May 4, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
Tuesday, May 3, 2011
Haitian Shantytowns are a major problem in The Bahamas
The shantytown problem
thenassauguardian editorial
Tragedy hit a Haitian community again last week. This time it was in what is one of the largest Haitian communities in the country — The Mud in Marsh Harbour, Abaco.
A large fire destroyed an estimated 30 homes, leaving many homeless. Luckily, no one died as a result of the fire. It was the third major fire in the shantytown in recent years.
In New Providence, two shantytowns were destroyed by fire since late last year.
Shantytowns are a major problem in The Bahamas.
In 2009, then Minister of State for Immigration Branville McCartney said that 37 shantytowns had been identified in New Providence alone.
The government has commissioned various studies on the shantytown problem.
A recent report completed by the Department of Environmental Health Services on these so-called Haitian villages warned that they pose a tremendous risk to public health.
With houses having been built too close together, with some homes being powered by stolen electricity connected by low hanging wires, and with large communities with inadequate or no sewerage systems, these shantytowns are public health hazards.
For some reason, especially in New Providence, the agencies of the government responsible for policing this problem have failed.
More aggressive action on this problem is needed for the sake of the Haitians living in shantytowns and for the Bahamians who live nearby.
When proper sanitation and safety protocols are not followed, mass tragedy could ensue from fire or disease. Last week’s fire could have led to the deaths of hundreds.
For the Bahamians who live near shantytowns, their property values are reduced because of the unsanitary communities next door. This is unfair to hardworking, honest citizens of the country.
The problem is, in part, that governments of The Bahamas have been unable to regulate effectively the flow of people from the failed Haitian state. Those looking for a better life have just set up communities on any vacant land.
Once the illegal structures are built, for humanitarian reasons, it is hard to destroy them. Where do you send the poor and stateless once their homes are removed?
We must not let genuine concern for our brothers and sisters from the south to overrule commonsense, however. Illegally built shantytowns need to be removed.
Those migrating to The Bahamas must find legal and safe accommodation. We cannot continue to ignore this problem. It is a matter of law, order and public safety.
No one in this country should be allowed to ignore public health and town planning regulations. The laws exist to keep us safe and to protect property rights.
The government should next move to rigorously enforce the public health and property laws being violated by many who reside in shantytowns across the country.
5/2/2011
thenassauguardian editorial
thenassauguardian editorial
Tragedy hit a Haitian community again last week. This time it was in what is one of the largest Haitian communities in the country — The Mud in Marsh Harbour, Abaco.
A large fire destroyed an estimated 30 homes, leaving many homeless. Luckily, no one died as a result of the fire. It was the third major fire in the shantytown in recent years.
In New Providence, two shantytowns were destroyed by fire since late last year.
Shantytowns are a major problem in The Bahamas.
In 2009, then Minister of State for Immigration Branville McCartney said that 37 shantytowns had been identified in New Providence alone.
The government has commissioned various studies on the shantytown problem.
A recent report completed by the Department of Environmental Health Services on these so-called Haitian villages warned that they pose a tremendous risk to public health.
With houses having been built too close together, with some homes being powered by stolen electricity connected by low hanging wires, and with large communities with inadequate or no sewerage systems, these shantytowns are public health hazards.
For some reason, especially in New Providence, the agencies of the government responsible for policing this problem have failed.
More aggressive action on this problem is needed for the sake of the Haitians living in shantytowns and for the Bahamians who live nearby.
When proper sanitation and safety protocols are not followed, mass tragedy could ensue from fire or disease. Last week’s fire could have led to the deaths of hundreds.
For the Bahamians who live near shantytowns, their property values are reduced because of the unsanitary communities next door. This is unfair to hardworking, honest citizens of the country.
The problem is, in part, that governments of The Bahamas have been unable to regulate effectively the flow of people from the failed Haitian state. Those looking for a better life have just set up communities on any vacant land.
Once the illegal structures are built, for humanitarian reasons, it is hard to destroy them. Where do you send the poor and stateless once their homes are removed?
We must not let genuine concern for our brothers and sisters from the south to overrule commonsense, however. Illegally built shantytowns need to be removed.
Those migrating to The Bahamas must find legal and safe accommodation. We cannot continue to ignore this problem. It is a matter of law, order and public safety.
No one in this country should be allowed to ignore public health and town planning regulations. The laws exist to keep us safe and to protect property rights.
The government should next move to rigorously enforce the public health and property laws being violated by many who reside in shantytowns across the country.
5/2/2011
thenassauguardian editorial
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