In the North American Diaspora, there is always a thirst for forward looking news from the Caribbean region. This thirst for progressive policy news is often bolstered when it is learnt that our regional governments are actively coordinating foreign policy management, searching for export markets and trade collaboration in Canada and, most important, attaining a factual and global understanding that the United States has lost its world policing status. Many new players have emerged and it is time to take cognizance.
WikiLeaks and the Comrade
My last article a few days ago on this medium addressed the ongoing WikiLeaks saga as the Bridgetown based US Embassy ramped up its poor and unqualitative analysis and observations about certain political leadership in the region. It was my intention in this article to refrain from further comments on WikiLeaks; however, I have been stalled due to the many unsubstantiated mischief or allegations allegedly being made against Prime Minister Gonsalves. Let me make it clear, although I have known Comrade Gonsalves for a long time, as a social commentator, I hold no biases but can only comment to what I perceive as wrong against a duly elected prime minister. It shows that the policy of hate, spite and mischief is evident and alive in St Vincent and no doubt in other CARICOM states.It was my understanding three years ago that, when certain allegations of sexual misconduct against the prime minister surfaced, the allegations were dealt with in the necessary respective judicial jurisdiction where a final resolution was rendered. Further ill-founded and mischievous complaints emerged including one from Canada, which resulted in a rather quick retreat by the various complainants. Several other whining and concocted stories against the prime minister, a minister of government and senior officer of the Royal St Vincent Police Force bore no fruits and were described as mischief and speculative.
What is very interesting in this whole episode is the apparent weight and recognition given to three local mischief makers by the United States government. As I learned of the plots, cell phone conversations and begging requests made to the United States Embassy, I could not but helped ask myself, is St Vincent and the Grenadines an independent nation? Are the three mischief makers or character assassins against the prime minister considering themselves to be firm anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist? Lastly, how can any serious lawyer engaged in such an important issue not understand that DNA tests are conducted in a very specific manner and the possibility of contamination could play a very important role in advancing key evidence? I found it imperative to raise these important questions with the view of understanding that one of the three smarties who are destined to destroy the Comrade will see it fit and necessary to respond to my article.
CARICOM foreign policy coordination
It was only three weeks ago that great fanfare and hope was displayed in Georgetown, Guyana, when a respected and able Irwin La Rocque of Dominica assumed command of the CARICOM Secretariat. It was even more satisfying to me when I read excerpts of the welcome address accorded to the secretary general by Prime Minister Douglas of the Federation of St Kitts and Nevis. In his capacity as current chair of the Community, he heightened the need for more foreign policy coordination within the region by the Secretariat and entrusted Mr La Rocque with many other tasks to be pursued by the Secretariat.
In my view, Prime Minister Douglas’s remarks were appropriate, realistic and established a tone and supportive launching pad for the new secretary general. Unfortunately, as the date approaches for the next United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and the varying lobbying efforts are in place by the United States to influence a note by CARICOM states on the Palestine resolution, there are now serious concerns about Prime Minister Douglas’s welcoming remarks about foreign policy coordination in the region. There are even stronger concerns on my part about which way St Kitts will vote on the resolution, as current media reports indicate that Grenada, St Kitts and St Lucia are likely to break ranks with the long standing CARICOM position on supporting the call for an independent Palestine state.
While the foreign policy conduct of St Lucia and Grenada will never be a surprise, I am a bit concerned about St Kitts for two reasons. My respect and observation of Dr Douglas as a deep thinker and no-nonsense leader, and Cuban trained medical doctor, Dr Assim Martin, who recently represented St Kitts in Israel on a recent fact finding mission.
I must add that I was not surprised at the comments attributed to Grenada’s Foreign Minister Karl Hood in the Jerusalem Post. His professed ignorance and lack of knowledge of the Palestine issue was not surprising and his eagerness to get media publicity in Israel further attest to this minister’s individual shallowness on foreign policy issues. Grenada has always been a strong supporter for the creation of a Palestine independent state. This is why, in 1979, Grenada gave formal diplomatic recognition to the PLO and at the same time maintained diplomatic relations with Israel, thus supporting the latter’s right to exist.
As the voting period becomes closer, the CARICOM Secretariat cannot shrug off its responsibilities for a foreign policy coordination strategy on the PLO. It was done before and it is important to allow this consistency to continue. If Grenada feels that it cannot support the resolution, it should immediately break diplomatic relations with the PLO, thus paving its way to vote no, given Bridgetown’s warning, Hood’s recent junket in Israel and foreign policy ignorance.
St Lucia’s behaviour is not surprising. Their approach to foreign policy management stalled four years ago when they booted out mainland China for a return of a renegade province known as Taiwan. In addition, in recent months when the St Lucia crime environment escalated, King’s only solution was to suggest assistance from Israel. Since nothing further was heard about this, it is not known whether Israeli agents are on St Lucia’s soil, thus making it mandatory for King and his hooligans to vote against the PLO resolution.
Therefore, there are still many unanswered questions to the current chair and secretary general of CARICOM.
1) Will the Secretariat be engaged in foreign policy coordination at the United Nations when the resolution is introduced calling for a Palestine state?
2) What is the current state of foreign policy coordination with respect to CARICOM states recognizing one China?
3) Is foreign policy coordination within the Secretariat selective, which leaves individual member states to do their own thing when it is in their interest?
The concept of foreign policy coordination is very confusing to me.
The OECS Trade Policy Unit
During the last year, I addressed many trade related issues related to Canada and the OECS within the context of the CARIBCAN trade agreement. My concerns have always stemmed from the fact and knowledge that that were deficiencies and much more work on an effective trade strategy was necessary if trade and investment opportunities are to be realized and sustained between Canada and the OECS. My concerns were often challenged by Trade Policy Unit personnel, as they felt that my comments and opinions were not fair. Their challenge to my articles increased after their successful rum tasting event and Quebec’s Liquor Board’s consent to grant provisional trial rights for alcohol products from St Lucia.
However, the recent Trade Policy Unit junket held in Antigua last month released transparent and long known information. The release of their technical study on trade between the OECS and Canada requires no further comments except to ask the Castries-based unit the following questions:
1) With the recent closure of the OECS diplomatic mission in Ottawa, what are the alternative plans to ensure an OECS trade enhancement presence in Canada?
2) Now that the OECS Trade Policy Unit has released a technical study that shows little or no trade development capacities between Canada and the OECS, what specific strategies will be advanced by the Unit to build and strengthen trade capacities?
3) Can the Trade Policy unit shed some more light about potential ICT products that can be exported from OECS countries to Canada?
4) In light of the results from your Unit’s technical study, will your unit continue to rely on the Trade Facilitation Organization (TFO) to build trade relations between the OECS and Canada or will be you are exploring the participation and involvement of real Canadian trade stakeholders in your anticipated trade capacity building initiatives?
5) What does the future hold for the development and sustainability of an effective trade strategy between Canada and the OECS that involve diverse sectors and stakeholders?
My articles and opinions are not designed to provoke or challenge the functionality of regional institutions. However, trade and investment impact on diverse interests and may be the time has reached when the Trade Policy Unit needs to embark upon new strategies that will engage a broader spectrum of individuals and institutions.
September 14, 2011
caribbeannewsnow
