Did Buju Banton not know that loose lips sink ships?

Did Buju not know that loose lips sink ships?
BY CHRIS BURNS

Written among other things that "he that keepeth his mouth keepeth his life, but he that openeth wide his lips shall have destruction". Furthermore, "A nuh everything good fi eat, good fi talk". Even so, the verdict that was handed down by a federal jury in Florida last Tuesday, which found Mark "Buju Banton" Myrie guilty of three of four charges, elicited anguish and scepticism among his supporters across the world. Many were expecting a vastly different outcome. But alas, Buju was found guilty of conspiracy to possess with the intent to distribute cocaine, possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking offence and using the wires to facilitate drug trafficking.

In reacting to the verdict, one of his fans quipped, "Yuh nuh si seh a pure Babylon tings a gwaan, my yute. Buju nuh deserve none o' dis yah wickedness. De man dem frame 'im, but Babylon kingdom is bound to fall." In his mind, Buju is a victim of an oppressive American justice system. But as alluring as his passionate outbursts were and as defiant as his gesticulative behaviour appeared, I did not join him in apportioning blame to any specific group for Buju's woes. And I am not about to hop on to the caravan of conspiracy theorists, whose purpose, it seems, is to downplay the merits of accepting personal responsibility and applying logics and common sense to our thoughts and actions.

None of this is to suggest that Buju's Boom-bye-bye utterances, or his staunch intolerance of homosexuals, did not bring greater scrutiny towards him, because we know that not all human actions are motivated by purist intentions and are above reproach. That notwithstanding, we should look at this case in view of the evidence presented, but also with full awareness of the doctrine of "opportunity and inclination" and the role this may have played in the minds of the jurors as they deliberated on the circumstances that caused Buju to "taste" that stuff in the warehouse. There is no need for malevolence from anyone. Like most of his fans, I would have preferred a different outcome. My heart and prayers go out to his parents, who must have been disheartened by this verdict.

These serious charges could cause Buju to spend a minimum of 15 years behind bars. Sentencing is yet to be handed down, so before we throw up our hands in complete despair, or fix our eyes on the southern stars of condemnation, we should be mindful of the fact that he has the right and the option to appeal this conviction. Furthermore, the sentencing judge may exercise some discretion when handing down his ruling. Perhaps Buju was being prescient about his own future when he said, it is Not an Easy Road, but let us hope that he doesn't face an extensive incarceration, should his appeal fall through. Let us look ahead to the promises of tomorrow, and because life's destiny is never clear-cut to anyone, one can only hope that hidden treasures will emerge from this ordeal.

At 37 years old, Buju is still relatively young, and despite this setback he can go on to lead a remarkable and transformational life, during and post-prison. He can continue to pen positive lyrics and use his voice to bring positive changes to millions around the world. Consequently, my consolation to Buju is deeply rooted in an idiom my late grandmother often shared with us. It is very much about loss and life, as it is about defeat and triumph. She reminded us constantly that, "Wha nuh cost life, nuh cost nutten". Implicit in this is a certain consciousness that the gift of life is supreme. For although one may lose everything, the fact that one can still breathe, see, hear, think, feel, create, touch and enjoy the splendours of God's creation should be enough to impel one to learn from the tragedies, mistakes and setbacks in one's life and make amends.

Therefore, the unfortunate circumstances of life ought not to become permanent walls of inaction and resignation. Once we become conscious of the character and flavour of our mistakes, accept responsibility and submit to atonement, we should then embark on a journey to fulsome redemption and reformation. In coming to grips with the misfortunes of life, we should also compel ourselves to evaluate the opportunity costs associated with the things we lose, the freedoms we abrogate - wittingly or unwittingly - and the pain we endure by not having them. But we should only do so with the view to motivate ourselves into taking full advantage of the new opportunities for positive change that lie within our grasp.

Truth is that none of us can claim perfection. Errors will be made, some more dastardly than others, yet we cannot play victim or dwell in the emptiness of self-pity or blame everybody else but ourselves for our failings. If there are lessons to be learnt from Buju's predicament, they should be how we control our tongues. Yes, we must place bridles on our tongues sometimes and become cognisant of the effect of unguarded talk, as it could come back to bite us in the softest places of the anatomy. Buju admitted this much during his testimony. He said, "I knew it (drug deal) was all talk for me because when I left Johnson's company, I say to myself 'idiot', I am not a drug dealer. I talk the talk, but I did not walk the walk..." Was it a good strategy to use "idle talk" as one of the bases for his defence?

I often wonder why almost all Jamaican jokes in circulation, particularly those on the internet, end with the Jamaican saying something downright stupid to expose one's own prior actions, often without solicitation. And although these jokes are meant to titillate, they reveal a serious reality about our loose lips. Could it be that we are so inherently honest or helplessly transparent, that we cannot keep a lid on our own tongues? We have a habit to "gwow" a lot without regard for socio-cultural repercussion, but as the frog says, "What is joke to you is death to me." Then, there is no stopping us, especially when we feel we have an opportunity to compete or impress - boy, we go to town without being mindful that "loose lips sink ships".

Burnscg@aol.com

February 28, 2011

jamaicaobserver

Oil and the specter of revolution

rian.ru



The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa have caused prices surges in global commodity markets. Now the revolt in oil-rich Libya has brought oil prices to a level unseen since 2008.

The IMF has already revised its forecast of the average price per barrel of oil from $89.5 up to $94.75. Widespread unease and speculation are what's driving oil prices up for now. But if the riots spill over from North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, there could be a physical shortage of oil in the world economy, sending prices as high as $150 per barrel.

Specter of revolution

The price of oil continues to rise. April futures on WTI oil have gone up $0.15 to reach $97.43 per barrel (as of 8:58 a.m. Moscow time). The price of April futures for North Sea Brent Crude has gone up by $1.29 to reach $112.65 per barrel.

Fears that the popular revolts in the Middle East could push up prices on hydrocarbons began to surface immediately after protests began in Egypt. While not a major oil-producing country, Egypt controls the Suez Canal, one of the world's key shipping routes.

The threat of shipping disruptions on the canal was enough to drive up March futures for WTI and Brent by 0.31% and 0.76% respectively in early February. But the prices subsided before long, as shipping through the Suez Canal continued seamlessly and Egypt appeared not to be the beginning of a domino effect that could destroy or at least shake up other regimes in the region. But this is exactly what happened. First the regime fell in Tunisia, then Egypt; now oil-rich Libya is in the grips of a bloody revolt. And the specter of revolution (albeit very faint) is already hovering over Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Gaddafi doubles down

The instability in Libya has contributed greatly to the soaring oil prices. The market was sent into a panic when Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi vowed to sabotage oil and gas pipelines and oil refineries in the country. In the several days since, the price of major oil brands has gone up by about 7%. Analysts are predicting that the price of oil could reach $120 per barrel as early as March.

For the time being, the price increases are the result of speculators sowing panic on markets. It is unclear how much Libya has actually reduced oil production. Some experts claim the production has declined by about 400-500 barrels per day, while others think it's double that amount. Regardless, Libya only produces about 1.6 million barrels of oil per day, or roughly 2% of global output.

If oil production falls by about one third in Libya, global output will go down by about 0.6%. Moreover, OPEC has already promised to increase production to offset the shortage from Libya, and the cartel, with its vast resources, will have no trouble making good on this promise. In other words, there is no threat of a physical shortage of oil, nor of a realignment in the oil market.

Real trouble will begin only if the chain reaction of revolt reaches the oil-rich countries of the Arabian Peninsula, primarily Saudi Arabia, which accounts for 10% of the world's oil. If oil production was to be disrupted in Saudi Arabia, this would deal a serious - though far from fatal - blow to the world economy.

A lose-lose situation

Oil prices are determined by a host of other factors, for instance, global and U.S. economic growth, and the level of oil reserves in America. Gaddafi's threat to destroy his own oil infrastructure happened to coincide with the news last week that oil reserves in the United States grew three times slower than projected, on top of an overall decline in oil reserves of late. On the other hand, forecasts of U.S. economic growth have become more optimistic.

True, we may have to revise down these sunny forecasts very soon, at least if the trend of sharply rising oil prices continues. Economic growth has always depended greatly on oil prices. For the time being, experts do not see a direct threat to the global economy, but let's not forget that speculation-fueled spikes in fuel prices in 2007-2008 was a direct cause of the global economic downturn.

As Prime Minister Vladimir Putin noted at a news conference in Brussels yesterday (http://www.rian.ru/economy/20110224/338310436.html), the Russian economy would not benefit from the further growth of prices on hydrocarbons: "We realize that if global economic growth slows down, this will have a negative impact on our economy as well."

True, higher prices on hydrocarbons will increase Russia's export revenues. But oil is less a blessing for our country than "the devil's excrement," as Juan Pablo Perez Alfonso, one of the founders of OPEC, called it. The discovery of deposits in Western Siberia and steadily rising oil prices in the early 1970s lulled the U.S.S.R. into abandoning much-needed economic reforms.

Today, the fuel and energy sector is both the engine of the Russia economy and its anchor. Russia's abundance of oil has allowed the government to carry out social programs. It has helped finance Russia's recovery from the economic crisis, and much, much more. But Russia's oil-based economy is one of the main causes of its technological backwardness, the enormous disparity between rich and poor, and corruption.

There is also a factor of addition. Just as a sick person gets addicted to medicine, our raw materials-based economy becomes addicted to high oil prices. Even if oil prices reach pre-crisis levels, we still won't be able to patch the hole in the budget and achieve pre-crisis economic growth rates.

23:42 25/02/2011

rian.ru

Bahamas Blog International

President Bharrat Jagdeo will bequeath to his country - Guyana: Stagnation, violence, corruption, arch-sectarianism, and unfettered crime

Guyana president leaves a tattered legacy

by Robert Cavooris and Elcin Chang, COHA Research Associates

Stagnation, violence, corruption, arch-sectarianism, and unfettered crime — this is the heritage that President Bharrat Jagdeo will bequeath to his country. Now that Jagdeo has announced that he will not seek a third term in the upcoming August election, he may well ask, as a New York mayor once did, “How did I do?” The answer, in this instance, must be: “terribly.”

Chosen by former President Janet Jagan to succeed her in office, and supposedly held in high esteem by Guyana’s founding father, the illustrious Cheddi Jagan, Jagdeo could only receive the lowest of marks from any independent evaluation. Through his tolerance of crime, racism, and dismal social progress, President Jagdeo has turned in a fifth-rate performance as president of one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere.



As the Guyanese use every strategy, legal and illegal, to flee the dysfunctional country, Jagdeo will go down in history as a man who did almost nothing for his nation while in office.



Jagdeo in Command?



As Guyana was wrestling with ever-present ethnic and political tensions, Jagdeo ascended to the presidency in 1999, not by election but rather through the anointment of his predecessor, Janet Jagan, thus taking the helm with no popular electoral mandate. To his credit, Jagdeo has led Guyana on a path of considerable economic growth in the last ten years despite a devastating flood in 2005.



The Guyanese economy, which is heavily dependent on the export of six main commodities -- rice, timber, gold, bauxite, shrimp and sugar -- has expanded at an average rate of 3 percent over the past decade. Sadly however, despite this incremental improvement in the Guyanese economy, government officials have been either unwilling or unable to share this modest prosperity with average Guyanese citizens.



Indicative of this trend is the fact that the allocation for education as a percentage of government spending is significantly lower than it was ten years ago. Public spending on education dropped to 6.1 percent of total GDP in 2007, down from 8.5 percent in 2000. Because of this lack of adequate spending on public education, the percentage of primary school entrance-age children enrolled in such schools dropped from 91.8 percent to 62.0 percent.



While it is difficult to speculate precisely what effect these substantive budget cuts on education have had on childhood literacy rates in the country (owing to a lack of data collected by Georgetown officials), there could be pernicious social consequences if education continues to take a back seat on the Guyanese agenda.



On healthcare, there have been some positive results including an increase in life expectancy and a notable decrease in infant mortality. Many exigencies however remain unaffected. For instance, about a fifth of the Guyanese population still lacks access to clean sanitation facilities. And the World Health Organization estimated that Guyana has one of the highest prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS in Latin America and the Caribbean.



Perpetual Violence



Jagdeo’s tenure will also be remembered for the spike in violent crimes experienced throughout Guyana, an issue exacerbated by repeated extrajudicial killings on the part of state authorities. Since 2001, “Phantom” death squads with alleged connections to government agencies -- also called the “Black Clothes Police” -- have been linked to some 400 murders. “A clear pattern is emerging,” said a member of the opposition People’s National Congress Reform (PNC). “The Black Clothes Police have constituted themselves accusers, judge, jury and executioners, and have been gunning down people with impunity.”



The Jagdeo administration shocked the region by rejecting a request by the United States, Britain, and Canada to do an independent probe of what amounted to repeated human rights violations. “We are very concerned about the allegations and we believe that the integrity of the government is something that is at question here,” said British High Commissioner Stephen Hiscock.



Amnesty International wrote an open letter to President Jagdeo in 2001 demanding prosecution of any officials involved in extrajudicial violence, and saying that the Guyanese government had “repeatedly failed to ensure the protection of the internationally recognized fundamental right to life -- and to take measures to prevent such killings.” Although several officers were indicted for their participation in extrajudicial killings in 2004, none were convicted.



Some have responded in kind to the state violence, such as in the notorious Rondell Rawlins case. Rawlins, who accused the government of kidnapping his girlfriend, waged a campaign of terror in Guyana seeking her return. This resulted in the shocking deaths of 23 people. Jagdeo’s tumultuous presidency was also beset by a series of fatal bombings over the past several years, including one attack on the Ministry of Health in 2009 and two additional assaults in 2011 -- one at the Stabroek Market and the other at the residence of Philomena Sahoye-Shury, a leading member of President Jagdeo’s People’s Progressive Party (PPP). As one editorial in Guyana’s Stabroek News put it, “The security situation grows murkier by the day and it is in this milieu that there has been a rash of dangerous events.”



Ethnicity and Frustration



The violence in Guyana is all the bitterer for the ethnic undertones that color it. Guyana’s motto -- ‘One People, One Nation, One Destiny,’ -- only seems a cruel joke in the face of the stark division that has long seized the country -- a division that Jagdeo has done almost nothing to address.



Party affiliation in Guyana falls almost directly along ethnic lines. Jagdeo’s PPP overwhelmingly receives the vote of the Guyanese of Indian descent, while the opposition PNC garners the support of the country’s African descendents. One study of the 2001 elections called the crossover votes between ethnic groups “insubstantial” and concluded that “[PPP] is still, for all practical purposes, an Indian-dominated party.”



Even after the 2006 election, Jagdeo’s efforts to diminish the trend were nowhere to be seen. One editorial in the Stabroek News in 2010 commented that the two main parties still remain within their ethnic platform. It said, “Both [the PPP and PNC] follow an unwritten rule that their leader must be from a particular ethnic group and both derive a high percentage of their support from a single ethnic group.”



Often, crimes in Guyana take on a racial dimension, reflecting the continued perception of the longstanding Afro-Guyanese exclusion under the PPP. In 2007, Andre Douglas, an alleged murderer of African descent who was eventually killed by police after escaping from jail, placed his own crimes in the context of social marginalization and inequality. He called himself a “freedom fighter,” and said, “Look into innocent black Guyanese problems or unrest will not finish.”



In other words, Douglas would keep terrorizing Guyana until the social problems of the Afro-Guyanese were alleviated. The large turnout at Douglas’ funeral showed that his frustration resonated with the country’s Afro-Guyanese community. Thus, ethnic division remains a challenge that disrupts quotidian life in Guyana, and that President Jagdeo has not effectively taken steps to resolve.



Conclusions



On balance, Jagdeo has failed during his presidency to advance the freedom and fairness of Guyanese public life, or the inequities of the Indo-Guyanese dominated society. Increased economic growth is futile if it does not translate into a greater sense of prosperity within the entirety of society. Jagdeo’s two-term presidency fell woefully short on that point. Social needs remain unmet due to inadequate spending on education and a lack of efforts to improve the quality of healthcare.



Furthermore the perpetual presence of criminal and ethnic violence threatens the fabric of Guyanese society, and, if anything, has been aggravated by the indiscriminate violence of public security forces in response.



It is not yet clear who the candidates will be in the upcoming presidential election, but whoever inherits Jagdeo’s position must work to tackle these persistent issues, and to clear the air of hopelessness when it comes to improving life in one of the hemisphere’s poorest and most forlorn countries.



The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt research and information organization. It has been described on the Senate floor as being "one of the nation's most respected bodies of scholars and policy makers." For more information, visit www.coha.org or email coha@coha.org


caribbeannewsnow

BBC Caribbean Service ends March 25, 2011

BBC Caribbean nears closure
nationnews




BBC Caribbean Service has only one month left in operation as it gets ready to end its broadcasts on March 25.

The decision by BBC World Service is part of cuts which will amount to over 600 jobs lost.

BBC said the closures were part of its response to a cut to its Grant-in-Aid funding from Britain’s Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO).

The final week of broadcasting by the Caribbean Service will include a regional call-in and discussion programme looking at the future of pan-Caribbean news and current affairs.

The last editions of the morning and evening drivetime editions of BBC Caribbean Report and BBC Caribbean Magazine will be aired on March 25.

Debbie Ransome, Head of BBC Caribbean Service said: “After one of our best years ever editorially, this has been a great blow for the team here.”

Controller, Languages at BBC World Service, Liliane Landor described BBC Caribbean as: “One of the oldest and most distinguished services that the BBC has provided in English.”

The Caribbean Service transmissions are used on 48 partner stations across the English, Spanish, and Dutch Caribbean and as part of the Caribbean stream on four FM relays in Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, and Antigua-Barbuda.

The early roots of the Caribbean Service began in 1939. (BBC)

February 25, 2011

nationnews

Bahamas Blog International

Have CARICOM governments surrendered foreign policy independence to the Secretariat?

By Ian Francis



The debates and concerns about regional independent sovereignty are very much alive in academic, communities and other concerned sectors in the Caribbean Commonwealth. Many questions are being asked by those debating the issue. Recently, I became involved in the debate through my participation in a meeting amongst many concerned Caribbean nationals now residing in Toronto but maintain a deep affinity to the state from where they originally immigrated.

-- Is the foreign policy management process of independent Caribbean sovereign states, republics and nations managed through agencies that are in receipt of multilateral grants and contributions?

-- Are Commonwealth Caribbean governments exerting their sovereign rights and responsibilities to ensure that foreign policy decisions evolve through the government-designated ministry of foreign affairs?

-- Have our governments surrendered these sovereign rights due to concentration on managing the local economy?

-- Are they perceived simply as aid recipients and beggars that it is either the surrender of independent sovereign rights or getting the necessary aid?

Looking at the historical development of independence in the Commonwealth Caribbean, the names of Eric Williams, Forbes Burnham, Michael Manley and Errol Barrow cannot be forgotten as they clearly demonstrated their strong anti-colonialist stance and at the same time to ensure that the independence and management of their foreign policy remained intact in the various sanctuaries of their ministry of foreign affairs.

We cannot ignore their joint collective decision to ignore Washington’s objection when they made the decision to establish full diplomatic relations with the Republic of Cuba. Burnham and Manley’s unflinching support for the liberation movement against apartheid in South Africa and membership in the Non-Aligned Movement were independent foreign policy decisions taken, which brought no smiles in the State Department. In spite of the applied pressure unleashed on both Burnham and Manley, they stood their ground and demonstrated to the colonial interests that they are capable of making their own independent foreign policy decision.

In 1974, the courage against colonial domination was once again demonstrated by former prime minister of Grenada, Sir Eric Matthew Gairy, when he made the decision to lead Grenada, Carriacou and Petit Martinique to independence. What was challenging about Grenada’s decision is that it became the first Associated State in the now renamed environment of the OECS Union to break its colonial shackles with Britain.

Grenada’s decision to become independent led to the formation of various local alliances that were vehemently opposed to independence, leading to strikes and other civil disobedience, which led to the emergence of the famous Committee of 22. This Committee was made up of a group of local colonialists consisting of merchants, lawyers, farmers and other opposition factions. While their opposition to independence had some mitigating effects on the local economy, on February 7, 1974, Grenada, under the leadership of Eric Gairy, became independent and recently celebrated its 37th birth date as an independent nation.

Many of the other Associated States have since followed Grenada’s decision and finally broken the yoke of colonialism with Britain. Many are known as independent Caribbean Commonwealth States.

With the More Developed Countries (MDC) maintaining the management of their independent foreign policy, Grenada followed suit and went on to manage its own foreign policy in a number of misguided ways by establishing diplomatic relations with many nations that had a disregard for individual human rights. This misguided approach resulted in diplomatic relations with some notorious nations.

On the other hand, Grenada was successful in establishing a young corps of dedicated foreign service officers; joining many international organizations and of course taking its illustrious seat at the United Nations General Assembly; establishing its own embassies and consulates across the global community. In essence, it is fair to conclude that Grenada built a foreign policy infrastructure between 1974-79, which the Bishop regime acquired following the 1979 people’s uprising, and which witnessed the overthrow of Gairy from office.

While some of Grenada’s foreign policy decisions have been severely criticized by many international relation experts, the period of government under the Bishop regime of 1979-83 also had some misguided moments like the Afghanistan vote, the unnecessary feud with former Barbados prime minister, Tom Adams, and the constant negative exchanges with Washington.

Based on a careful review of regional events, it would appear to the writer that the surrendering of Caribbean states’ foreign policy management to the CARICOM Secretariat could have started in the late 80s or early 90s. With the surrendering of such an important pinnacle of any government, there have been many dull outcomes for regional independent governments. Some of these dull outcomes have seen a steady decline in bilateral assistance to our governments and a sudden increase of multilateral assistance to the Secretariat and many other regional multilateral agencies.

In conclusion, it is not too late for regional independent states to reclaim their foreign policy management niche. As they ponder the structural changes to be made within the Secretariat in the coming months, CARICOM’s management of regional foreign policy and its relation to international multilateral agencies require closer scrutiny. It is hoped that under Thomas’s current chairmanship and vigour, he will be able to convince his Council of Ambassadors to take a second look at this situation. A ministry of foreign affairs in any independent nation means more that good protocol practices. Formation of good foreign policies is crucial.

Ian Francis resides in Toronto and writes frequently on Caribbean Commonwealth Affairs. He is a former Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Grenada. He can be reached at info@vismincommunications.org

February 24, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Bahamas Blog International

Third political parties are not doomed to failure in the Caribbean

Are third parties in the Caribbean doomed?
By Oliver Mills


The commonly accepted wisdom in the Caribbean has been, and still is, that third political parties are doomed, and that any attempt to establish them will be met with failure. This belief is based on the fact that, in almost all Caribbean countries where a third political party has attempted to challenge the political process, it has met with failure, and in many instances some, or even all its members have lost their deposits. The electorate therefore seems to have lost trust and confidence that a third party will meet with any significant success, and have come to see them as a waste of time.

In his commentary in Caribbean News Now on February 12, 2011, on the failure of third parties, Wellington Ramos states that this failure is due to poor planning, no grassroots campaign, and the time of launching of these political parties, which is just before elections. He also states that after they lose, they disappear. In stating these reasons for third party failure, Ramos does not explain further what the phrases he uses such as poor planning, no grassroots campaign, and the time of launching these parties mean.

For example, what is meant by poor planning on the part of third parties? Does it mean planning to some extent, but with some inadequacy involved, or does it mean engaging in the process of planning without a clear direction or purpose attached to the various efforts? Does poor planning mean planning, but with little insight as to the purpose and point of the efforts made? Or does poor planning mean inefficient planning, not taking into account critical factors concerning the wider political process? How do we know when planning is poor? This is only judged after the results of some action, not before. Also, does poor planning mean being erratic, unfocused, tentative, and not following through with different ideas as to what the party needs and how it will achieve its goals? The writer needs to elaborate on this phrase.

No grassroots campaign is the other reason Ramos cites as a failure by third parties. Although he mentions with respect to Belize about not campaigning island wide and not establishing structures, this is not enough. Grassroots campaigning further means going into the various sectors of the society and spreading the philosophy of the party on a consistent basis. It means having public and town hall meetings, and meeting people where they usually hang out. But this is not only for grassroots people. It is for all potential voters. It also means constant political education, advertisements, and appearing on various media houses to spread the message.

From my experience, there is no such thing as no grassroots campaign, since the grassroots is where the majority of persons are. Third parties do approach them and try to win them over. But in many instances, they are so indoctrinated into the ways of the established parties, that they often give the rebuff to any new effort by a third party. The party’s officials therefore have to exercise patience, be sensitive to the ways of this constituency, win their trust, have a clear philosophy, and try to move them incrementally.

Change is difficult, and people at the grassroots level have to believe they are backing a winner before they commit themselves. Furthermore, labelling a particular constituency as grassroots, belittles them, places them in a category where they might feel devalued, and so there is the risk of losing support particularly if party officials adopt a condescending attitude. The third party therefore needs to see each type of constituency equally, and treat it as such. The class and sector approach to politics will not work.

The time of launching the third party is the final reason Ramos gives for their failure. How do we know precisely and accurately when it is the time to do anything? We can only suspect that a set of conditions exist, and that we should therefore capitalise on them. Suppose Obama had served out his Senate years, would he ever have become president? The point is to take prudent, measurable risks. We can never know exactly when to make a move. We just have to engage with the situation, alert ourselves to its dynamics, and seek the most opportune and rational moment in which to take the plunge. To say that the time of launching the third party contributes to its failure is therefore a misnomer. It is pure speculation based on an analytical fallacy.

Ramos states vaguely that they are launched just before an election. What does this phrase mean? Two weeks or months before, or two years? The phrase is vague to the point of being almost meaningless. The fact is that, if a sufficiently large percentage of the populace is fed up, they will show this in a protest vote. Although it might not be sufficient to win initially because of the psychological grip of the two traditional parties, if the third party persists, it could surprise itself.

For example, third parties now exist in several countries including the UK, Israel, the USA, and France. As is seen in the UK, a third party could become a part of the government based on the distribution of seats after an election. Even in the Caribbean, some third party candidates have won seats, and they later joined on an individual basis with the governing party, particularly if they make a difference in who forms the government. In Israel, third parties have always helped to constitute various governments. This is also the case in Italy.

However, I agree with Ramos, that often, in the Caribbean, third parties dissolve after an election. They seem to lose hope, and the will to persist. But third parties are formed as a result of a crisis in the status quo parties. Their members feel that the electorate is so fed up that they desire fundamental change. The case of the National Democratic Movement in Jamaica is an example, as is the Turks and Caicos Islands with the formation of the National Democratic Alliance party. The NDA did dissolve after a particular election, but the NDM in Jamaica continues mostly as a pressure group. Its initial leader returned to his original party, and is now the prime minister.

So are third parties doomed to failure? It is certainly not wise to give a quick answer. In a theoretical sense, nothing is doomed to failure. The context and circumstances of an issue require serious deliberation. This will determine the success of the effort, or its need to change course. Nothing should be condemned outright. If third party officials have a clear philosophy and ideology which connect with the aspirations of the people, and they win the people’s trust, the groundwork is laid for serious, constant, and persistent work. If party officials are committed to the political work required to enlist the faith of the people in the party’s objectives, then support will be forthcoming over time. Remember, the third party is in the political business of changing mindsets, and re-socialising people into a new way of thinking and being. It will be challenging at first, but consistency and constancy on the part of party officials are necessary.

Third parties are therefore not doomed to failure. They attract new blood and talent into the political process, bring new ideas, challenge old, established ways of operating, and could bring hope to those who want serious change in the infrastructure of Caribbean politics. Third parties can also bring ideas about different, more workable political structures and processes into the political system, and introduce a more ethical and moral politics into political systems weighed down by traditions that have not worked to the benefit of significant numbers of people. They are therefore not doomed to failure. In fact they do not fail. It is those who have been instrumental in their establishment that have failed to consistently operationalise the beliefs and philosophy they advocate on a sustained basis.

Persons forming third parties also need to convince potential followers that they are not in the political business for personal gain. They must prove that principles guide their efforts, and that the goal is a new and transformed society, and political order. Leaders of third parties also have to refute the idea by others that they have everything they need, but want more at the people’s expense. These leaders will also have to show that they have a different kind of political psychology that the third party is not third in any numbering system, but is a movement with no other goal than the political expression of the general will of the people. And that indeed, the third party is the people in action, since the new political institutions the party establishes, will convey and manifest the aspirations and objectives of the people.

Selflessness, a noble sense of purpose, and the urgency to do the will of the people become the philosophical frame of reference for the third party. With this in mind, the third party will enjoy the confidence and goodwill of the people, and will therefore gain respect and credibility. It could then become a potent force for good in the politics of the Caribbean.

February 23, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Bahamas Blog International

The CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) and the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) - are we ready?

Law and Politics: The CSME and the CCJ - are we ready?
By Lloyd Noel:


Now that we have just celebrated our thirty-seventh anniversary of independence, from the colonial rule of England way back in 1974 – but having maintained our association and membership of the British Commonwealth of nations over all those years – we in the tri-Island State of Grenada, Carriacou and Petite Martinique seem to be on the verge of severing all those ties that assisted us in becoming who we are, and achieving what we have by reason of that association.

And as we are about to travel down that road, to some unknown destination in the new world order, it may be useful to look back from whence we came, to reflect on where exactly we are at this time, and what in fact and in reality we have thus far achieved.

Of course, I must admit up front that I have been very, very fortunate, as far as my personal achievements have been over the years from those colonial days – and some may be tempted to suggest that it is because of my good fortunes during my sojourn in England that I still harbour the fond memories and gratitude of the country and people and their customs.

But I will readily respond to that suggestion by making bold to say, without fear of any contradiction, that the great majority of those thousands of West Indians who travelled to England in those colonial days, to work and start a new life, they too still cherish the opportunities and achievements.

It was while thousands of us were already in the Mother Country in Great Britain, when the first attempt at the unified West Indies came on stream with the Federation of the West Indies in 1958 – but it only lasted for four years (1958-1962), when Jamaica decided to secede, by formally withdrawing from the Federation; and the late P.M. of Trinidad and Tobago, Eric Williams, created new maths by announcing that, because there were ten states in the Federation and Jamaica was withdrawing, then one from ten leaves nought, so Trinidad and Tobago was also moving out, and that was the end.

And it was from then that the rush to political independence by the Big Four started; Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Guyana all went on to break their colonial ties with England, although thousands of their nationals were very firmly rooted in the mother country and doing very well for themselves.

From then on the same Big Four states tried to get the same West Indian islands to form an economic union, and the Caribbean Community or CARICOM is what remains of that effort.

Over the years, of course, all the smaller islands went on to achieve their independence – except Montserrat, the BVI and Anguilla -- and that rush to statehood began with Grenada in February, 1974.

Needless to repeat the happenings since then, but now we have the “CARICOM Single Market and Economy” (CSME), and included therein is the “Caribbean Court of Justice” (CCJ), which is the body responsible for the due administration of the Single Market; but more importantly any of the independent states can decide to adopt the CCJ as its final court of appeal, for both civil and criminal and constitutional matters, and by so doing abolish appeals to the Privy Council final court of appeal in England that the West Indies have always been accustomed to, both as colonies and independent states since 1962.

The strange thing about the membership of the CCJ is that, while all the independent states signed on the CSME, only Barbados and Guyana started off using the CCJ as their final court of appeal, and late last year, Belize adopted the court and abolished the Privy Council.

Trinidad and Tobago, where the court has its headquarters, has not adopted it, and the newly elected government that came into office last year are thinking of referring the option to the people for a decision.

And even the Jamaica government is now saying that it is considering establishing its own final appeal court.

Against that state of disunity and disorganisation, our own government is now saying that it will soon be adopting the CCJ as our final court of appeal, to replace the Privy Council in England.

Maybe I missed it whenever it was said, but I have never heard any statement from this government about the preference of the CCJ over the Privy Council, and neither has any opportunity been given to Grenadians to express their opinions or views on the matter. And there can be no doubt whatsoever, that this very fundamental decision, after all those years of the very excellent services we have received from the judges of the highest quality and experience, our people should have been given the opportunity to have their say.

And in the absence of that very basic and highly principled opportunity, I cannot support the government’s decision to go it alone. I hope it is not regretted before too long.

What is also of some importance to the whole concept of regional unity, at the lower level of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) in particular, is that we have been sharing a common court system, from our associated statehood days since 1967, and we continue to do so after independence right up to the Privy Council.

I have not heard of the same unified position with the other five states on this matter – but maybe I missed it, while they all were busy promoting the latest unitary animal in the recently publicised “OECS Economic Union” – for the free movement of people and capital throughout the six independent states, with the hope that the three remaining colonies of England will sooner or later get the UK’s go-ahead to join the economic union.

To take the confused situation of so many so-called unity groups in our region – all serving the same little population at different levels -- should a company in St Lucia open a business entity in Grenada, and that business has a court case in the Grenada court, it can go to the OECS Court of Appeal and then to the CCJ final court of appeal in Trinidad.

And if the same company has a case in St Lucia, it can go to the OECS Court of Appeal and then must go to the Privy Council in London for a final decision. It would be interesting if the legal issue is similar in both OECS Court of Appeal but the final decisions at the CCJ and the Privy Council differ.

To think that we in these Caribbean Isles have been playing around with this concept of unity for so many years, and for one reason or another the governments cannot get it right -- that must have some bearing on the fact that the politicians who come and go in the various islands all seem to take the position that they alone have all the answers so they never put it to their people to say yea or nay.

We saw what happened in St Vincent, when the government there put the proposed amended constitution to the people and they rejected it – yet in general elections thereafter the same people voted the same government back into power for a third term.

And that is why I agree with the Trinidad and Tobago prime minister, to put the question of whether or not they opt for the CCJ in place of the Privy Council to the people for a decision.

I saw the news item last week that the NDC government plans to hold its party General Council meeting next month, on the 13th March at the Boca Secondary School.

The same meeting was postponed last November, around the time there was the breakdown in unity over the re-shuffle of those three ministers, and one minister actually resigned from Cabinet.

The party general secretary is the minister of tourism, Peter David, and he was removed from foreign affairs back to tourism. He has since been saying that he is rebuilding the party machinery, but the 13th March is a date that is synonymous with the PRG of 1979, not the NDC of Prime Minister Tillman Thomas, on which bandwagon he entered Parliament.

So the questions beg themselves – was the choice of that date a wise decision in the circumstances?

And will it help to rebuild the NDC Party, and at the same time keep the thousands who voted for NDC loyal enough to so vote the next time?

I was chatting with an ex-PRA of the Revolution days, the day after I saw the news item, and he too felt the date of 13th March was much too sensitive at this time – bearing in mind all the events that have taken place.

Time alone will tell, in the months and years ahead.

But like all the issues mentioned above that will affect us as a people in the times ahead, the even bigger question presents itself: are we ready for the possible changes that can result therefrom?

February 22, 2011

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