Colonial Violence in The Colonies and The Role of Enslaved Women in Resisting The Colonialists Oppression

Critical Examination of Bahamian Hero, "Poor Black Kate" and Comparative Colonial Atrocities:  A Global Perspective on Resistance, Injustice, and Post-Colonial Recognition

The story of The Bahamas Hero, Kate Moss, also known as "Poor Black Kate," offers a profound insight into the realities of colonial violence and the role of enslaved women in resisting oppression.

By Dr Kevin Turnquest-Alcena

Kate's resistance against her brutal treatment in The Bahamas during the early 19th century not only reflects the gendered aspects of colonial punishment but also parallels similar cases of resistance in other colonial territories such as Jamaica, India, and parts of Africa.  As nations work towards recognizing the legacies of their colonial pasts, Kate’s story deserves not only posthumous state recognition in The Bahamas but also broader acknowledgment as part of a global legacy of women who resisted colonial oppression.  In this paper, I will explore the parallels between Kate’s resistance and other instances of colonial violence against women, recommend how Kate's legacy should be honored, and argue for the establishment of a broader movement for women’s empowerment and recognition.

Kate Moss and Colonial Violence Against Women

Kate Moss’ refusal to mend her torn dress, her subsequent punishment, and eventual death serve as a stark reminder of the gendered violence that women, particularly enslaved and colonized women, faced under colonial regimes.  Kate, a domestic slave, used the torn dress as a silent but powerful symbol of her protest against sexual violence, likely perpetrated by someone in her enslaver’s household.  Her refusal to adhere to the expectations of submission and invisibility in the colonial household led to a horrific punishment: repeated whippings, confinement in stocks, and torture with red pepper.  Despite the promise of relief if she complied, Kate’s steadfastness in her resistance speaks to her extraordinary bravery and determination to expose her abuse.

This form of resistance is not unique to Kate but is part of a broader pattern of how women in colonial societies resisted gender-based violence.  As colonial authorities viewed women’s bodies as sites of both control and subjugation, enslaved and colonized women often found themselves punished for asserting their agency or protesting their abuse.  The treatment of women in colonial Jamaica, for instance, was similar.  Enslaved women who resisted their oppression, like those involved in the Baptist War of 1831–1832, were often met with violent retribution from colonial forces.

Parallels in Jamaica, Africa, and India: Gendered Colonial Punishment

Kate Moss’ story mirrors numerous incidents across the British Empire where women suffered under brutal colonial punishment regimes.  In Jamaica, Nanny of the Maroons, another national heroine, led enslaved people in revolt against British forces.  Though not a direct victim of the type of sexual violence that Kate endured, Nanny’s leadership in armed resistance against colonial authorities highlights the intersection of gender and rebellion in colonial contexts (Craton 54).  Both women, through vastly different means, defied the structures of colonial power, challenging the dominance of white male authority in the empire.

Similarly, in Kenya, during the Mau Mau Uprising (1952–1960), Kikuyu women played a significant role in resisting British colonial rule.  Many women were arrested, tortured, and even executed for their involvement in the rebellion.  The colonial authorities' treatment of women in Kenya followed the same brutal patterns seen in other parts of the empire, including sexual violence, physical torture, and psychological intimidation (Elkins 182).  These patterns reflect a global colonial strategy where women’s resistance, especially when linked to national or racial identity, was met with disproportionate and inhumane punishment.

In India, colonial violence against women was also pervasive, as exemplified by events like the Amritsar Massacre of 1919.  While the massacre targeted all Indians, women played a significant role in the independence movement, facing gendered violence from British forces.  British colonial officers, like General Dyer, who orchestrated the massacre, saw the peaceful protests—many of which involved women—as threats to colonial order and responded with excessive violence (Collett 112).  The bodies of colonized women were consistently used as battlegrounds for the assertion of colonial power, and their resistance, like Kate’s - was viewed as doubly threatening because of its intersection with both race and gender.

Post-Colonial Responses to Colonial Brutality and Resistance

The Bahamas’ decision to recognize Kate Moss posthumously as a National Hero is a significant step in addressing the legacy of slavery and colonial violence.  However, Kate’s story deserves further acknowledgment, not just within The Bahamas but also within the broader context of global colonial history.  The brutality she faced and her resistance echoed the experiences of countless women across the colonial world, many of whom have yet to be recognized or honored for their bravery.

Jamaica, for example, has a long tradition of honoring its national heroes, many of whom resisted British colonial rule.  Figures like Nanny of the Maroons, Sam Sharpe, and Paul Bogle are memorialized in Jamaican history books, monuments, and annual celebrations. Similarly, South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sought to address the legacies of colonial and apartheid-era violence, giving a platform for the victims of these atrocities to be heard (Tutu 134).  Kenya’s Mau Mau veterans also successfully sought reparations from the British government in 2013, marking a significant post-colonial attempt to rectify the wrongs of colonial rule (Anderson 249).

Recommendations: Kate Moss as a Symbol of Bravery and Women’s Empowerment

To fully honor Kate Moss’s legacy, the Bahamian government should consider several initiatives that go beyond the current state recognition:

1. Permanent Memorialization: The establishment of a statue or monument dedicated to Kate Moss in a prominent location, such as Nassau or Crooked Island, would serve as a perpetual reminder of her bravery.  This monument could stand alongside a plaque that details her resistance and the broader context of women’s resistance to colonialism.  This would be similar to the statue of Nanny of the Maroons in Jamaica’s National Heroes Park, which honors her defiance and leadership (Craton 68).

2. Women Empowerment Fund: The government could establish a fund in Kate Moss’s name that supports initiatives aimed at empowering women and girls, particularly those from marginalized communities.  This fund could provide scholarships, mentorship programs, and resources for women who face gender-based violence, much like the foundations established in the names of other national heroes (Patterson 143).  Such a fund would not only memorialize Kate but also help create tangible change for future generations.

3. Medal of Bravery for Women: The Bahamian government could institute an annual "Kate Moss Medal of Bravery," awarded to women who have demonstrated extraordinary courage in the face of adversity.  This would be similar to the Queen’s Medal for Courage, awarded in various Commonwealth countries.  By doing so, Kate’s story would become a symbol of empowerment, inspiring women across The Bahamas and the world to stand up against injustice.

4. Education Initiatives: To ensure Kate’s legacy is not forgotten, the government could work with educational institutions to include her story in the national curriculum.  Additionally, public lectures, seminars, and exhibitions could be held to educate both Bahamians and international audiences about her significance in the broader context of resistance to colonial rule (Beckles 157).

Conclusion: A Global Legacy of Resistance

Kate Moss’ story, though rooted in the history of The Bahamas, is part of a much larger narrative of colonial resistance.  The gendered violence she faced at the hands of the Moss family, her refusal to submit to oppression, and her eventual martyrdom are echoed in the experiences of women across the British Empire, from Jamaica to Kenya to India.  By recognizing Kate Moss as a National Hero and expanding upon this recognition with tangible initiatives, the Bahamian government can ensure that her legacy serves as both a symbol of bravery and a rallying cry for women’s empowerment.  Furthermore, this broader acknowledgment would align the Bahamas with other post-colonial nations that have taken significant steps to honor their own resistance figures and address the legacies of colonial violence.

Works Cited

Anderson, David. Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire*. W.W. Norton, 2005.

Beckles, Hilary McD. A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State*. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Collett, Nigel. The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer*.  Hambledon Continuum, 2006.

Craton, Michael.  Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies*. Cornell University Press, 2009.

Elkins, Caroline.  Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain's Gulag in Kenya*. Henry Holt and Co., 2005.

Patterson, Orlando. The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development, and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica*. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2020.

Tutu, Desmond. No Future Without Forgiveness*. Random House, 1999.

By Dr. Kevin J Turnquest-Alcena 

Chairman of the Board of Governors

Rector, Michael University

LLB (Hon-1st Cl.), LLM (Hon-1st Cl.)

Ph.D. in Economics / Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology- MD/ Ph.D in Biogenetics

Ph.D. in Pharmacy (Pharm D) 

Ph.D. in Public Health / Ph.D. in Herbal and Holistic Medicine

Titular Professor Lawyer & Fellow-FCILEX; AClArb; & Snr. Fellow-AMLA

Source

See Bahamianology For Further Reading on 'Poor Black Kate' - Kate Moss

RESTAVEK...: A HIDDEN EVIL

Insight - tribune242:


"The restavek culture is being exported from Haiti to other Caribbean countries. It is very much slavery and I think it's going to increase exponentially now."

-Aaron Cohen

I WOULD wager that few Bahamians lose sleep contemplating the tortures endured by an 11-year-old girl forced into the sex trade, or imagine themselves in the shoes of a young boy, barely a toddler, sold to strangers and forced to work tirelessly for his survival.

For most people, the ability to empathise with extreme suffering decreases in proportion to its distance from their normal experience, and most of us in the Bahamas are thankful these scenarios play themselves out elsewhere.

However according to one human rights pioneer, we are fooling ourselves - modern day slaves are being trafficked in this country right under our noses and the trade may be set to explode.

American activist Aaron Cohen is widely considered to be the world's foremost expert on modern-day slavery. He is credited with rescuing numerous young girls from enslavement as sex workers and many young men from child soldiering camps.

He travels the world to shed light on the reality that the trade in human beings is alive and well in virtually every modern society. He notes that with 27 million slaves worldwide and another million sold into slavery each year, there are more enslaved people now than at any time in human history.

When I spoke with Mr Cohen, he was leaving New York after giving a speech at the UN on the status of women. Later this month, he is off to Jamaica, Haiti and the Dominican Republic to talk about what he considers an issue of the utmost urgency - the fallout from the earthquake in Haiti, which was until recently a central hub for the trafficking of humans.

Mr Cohen told me he believes the disaster in Haiti has severely curtailed the ability of organised crime to use that country for the transshipment of domestic and sex slaves, and that other countries in the Caribbean, particularly Jamaica and the Bahamas, are prime candidates to take up the slack.

He said: "I think the effect of the disaster on slavery in the Caribbean is going to be this: number one, there is going to be more poverty in Haiti and therefore an exodus; that's already being witnessed statistically.

"Second, in the past, in human trafficking just like in drugs and arms trafficking, you have criminal organisations that use countries of origin, transit and destination to operate their illicit businesses. Haiti previously was both a destination country and a transit country. Girls coming out of the Dominican Republic were transited out of Haiti to Europe, to the Bahamas, to Jamaica, to the United States. What's going to happen now is, because of the increased scrutiny in Haiti because of the international presence, we're going to see this transit business spread to the nearby Caribbean."

As proof, Mr Cohen pointed to what happened after Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, a capital of organised crime, drug and human trafficking.

"When the disaster occurred, there was an 80 per cent increase in murders in Houston, Texas. There was the same increase in human trafficking, and now Houston is the hub of human trafficking in the United States. I would imagine that's what's going to happen to the Bahamas," he said.

Mr Cohen noted that the existing culture of illegal immigration from Haiti makes the Bahamas a particularly "soft target" and therefore an ideal replacement as a transit location for captive people.

"It is highly probable, if not statistically provable, that the Bahamas will have an increase in human trafficking from the disaster in Haiti," he said.

According to Mr Cohen, what makes modern-day slavery particularly insidious is the fact that it is largely invisible.

The transatlantic slave trade, while monstrous, was at least tangible and had limits, could be argued against and protested.

Now, slavery is a covert phenomenon, and those who take part in it - either by smuggling someone else's children or selling their own - may only do so once or twice in their lives out of financial necessity. It is governed by no rules or central authorities, respects no treaties or boundaries, and is immune to rational or moral entreaties.

"You can buy crystal vases in a store and they are very transparent, but paper cups aren't, and they're disposable," Mr Cohen said. "Slavery is like that -- it is no longer an item that stays in the family for a lifetime; it's a disposable commodity, so it's very hidden."

He noted two additional factors that obscure the signs of human trafficking in the Bahamas in particular. Firstly, the reluctance of law enforcement to aggressively tackle prostitution - which often relies on foreign women tricked or forced into the sex trade. The occasional raids aside, virtually every resident of Nassau can name at least one brothel operating without interference from the police.

The second factor is the introduction, through illegal immigration, of the Haitian "restavek" system.

Restavek - which means in Creole "one who stays with" - is a system whereby poor rural families send their children to stay with and work for urban families as domestic servants. They are usually between the ages of five and 14, as Haitian law requires workers 15 and older to be paid. Sometimes the children are sold, but sometimes no money changes hands.

Cultural standards are of course relative - as seen in the International Labour Organisation's condemnation of the use of packing boys in Bahamian supermarkets - and in Haiti, the system is seen as a normal facet of society.

But anti-slavery campaigners like Mr Cohen emphasise that the lack of regulation means these children are often subjected to severe abuse and exploitation. "I don't even like to use the term domestic servants," he said, "because it conjures up an image of some moral, legal employment model and that's not what we're talking about."

He added that the likelihood of physical and sexual abuse increases when the system is transplanted outside Haiti, particularly to countries like the Bahamas, where the immigrant population is subjected to discrimination and often treated as subhuman.

Jean-Robert Cadet, founder of the Restavek Foundation which works to raise awareness of this phenomenon, was once a restavek himself. He says that as a "domestic slave", he endured years of physical and emotional abuse, working seven days a week with no pay and no time for recreation or rest. According to his website, restavekfreedom.org, there are an estimated 300,000 restavek children in Haiti.

Mr Cohen is eager to investigate the extent of the problem here, but as a rule does not request government co-operation for his investigations, as authorities in many countries are themselves tied up in the trafficking of drugs, arms and people.

His organisation, Causecast, tries instead to work with non-governmental organisations and human rights activists to identify, interview and hopefully rescue victims of human trafficking, while gathering sufficient evidence to prosecute offenders. Unfortunately, he says, the modern slave trade is hidden in the Bahamas to such an extent that even local activists are unaware of it.

He said: "One of the reasons we chose not to come to the Bahamas is because although we know the restavek culture has spilled over to that country and the sex trafficking trail (leads there), I don't have an organisation there that I can partner with as far as infrastructure and support.

"I spoke to a number of activists who told me there is no slavery, and I sort of took a step back when I heard that. I thought, 'My goodness, even some of the activists who are interested in combating this problem think that there is no slavery'.

"But there is no way around the fact that slavery is the fastest growing illegal enterprise in the world. It has already passed arms sales to become the number two illicit business in the world, period.

"The fact that the restaveks are there would indicate to me that there is an enormous amount of exploitation going on in the Bahamas and the country is at risk of falling into the tentacles of organised crime in the Caribbean.

"When someone says there is no slavery, it's because they haven't educated themselves on the issue properly."

So, is Mr Cohen right? His views are certainly supported by the United States government.

The US State Department's 2009 Trafficking in Persons report states that "Haitian women, men, and children are trafficked into the Dominican Republic, the Bahamas, the United States, Europe, Canada, and Jamaica for exploitation in domestic service, agriculture, and construction. Trafficked Dominican women and girls are forced into prostitution."

The report further notes that the Bahamas is a destination country for "men and women trafficked from Haiti and other Caribbean countries primarily for the purpose of forced labour, and women from Jamaica and other countries trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation."

In 2008, parliament passed the Trafficking in Persons Prevention and Suppression Act which sets out penalties for offenders that range from three years to life imprisonment.

The State Department's report acknowledged this, but criticised the continuing tendency of law enforcement to conflate human trafficking with human smuggling - the transportation of persons engaging in illegal immigration voluntarily.

It also said the Bahamas failed to take steps to identify the casualties of the trade among vulnerable populations - such as foreign women and girls engaged in prostitution or women and girls intercepted while being smuggled in for this purpose - preferring to repatriate them as violators of immigration laws rather than offer them help as victims.

According to Mr Cohen, addressing this last point is vital. He said: "The average age of a woman who is prostituted is 11 years old. That makes them victims. They should not be treated as the criminals.

"The Bahamas needs to wake up and move towards the model the Scandinavians have created. Here's how it works: they have criminalised the demand, but they recognise that you cannot arrest a prostitute who is 14 and servicing a client who is 42 and then treat her like the criminal and let him go free. Yet that's happening even in the United States. The women, the victims, should be decriminalised and receive services and the Johns should face criminal prosecution."

He feels that treating such women merely as illegal immigrants - not to mention the children we send back to Haiti on a regular basis without inquiring about their identity or circumstances - amounts to punishing slaves for their condition of slavery and heaping further misery upon people who have already endured unimaginable suffering.

What do you think?

Email:

pnunez@tribunemedia.net

March 08, 2010

tribune242

Bahamas Blog International