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Wednesday, September 14, 2011

WikiLeaks, foreign policy and OECS trade policy unit findings are too much for the Diaspora

By Ian Francis:


In the North American Diaspora, there is always a thirst for forward looking news from the Caribbean region. This thirst for progressive policy news is often bolstered when it is learnt that our regional governments are actively coordinating foreign policy management, searching for export markets and trade collaboration in Canada and, most important, attaining a factual and global understanding that the United States has lost its world policing status. Many new players have emerged and it is time to take cognizance.



WikiLeaks and the Comrade

My last article a few days ago on this medium addressed the ongoing WikiLeaks saga as the Bridgetown based US Embassy ramped up its poor and unqualitative analysis and observations about certain political leadership in the region. It was my intention in this article to refrain from further comments on WikiLeaks; however, I have been stalled due to the many unsubstantiated mischief or allegations allegedly being made against Prime Minister Gonsalves. Let me make it clear, although I have known Comrade Gonsalves for a long time, as a social commentator, I hold no biases but can only comment to what I perceive as wrong against a duly elected prime minister. It shows that the policy of hate, spite and mischief is evident and alive in St Vincent and no doubt in other CARICOM states.

It was my understanding three years ago that, when certain allegations of sexual misconduct against the prime minister surfaced, the allegations were dealt with in the necessary respective judicial jurisdiction where a final resolution was rendered. Further ill-founded and mischievous complaints emerged including one from Canada, which resulted in a rather quick retreat by the various complainants. Several other whining and concocted stories against the prime minister, a minister of government and senior officer of the Royal St Vincent Police Force bore no fruits and were described as mischief and speculative.

What is very interesting in this whole episode is the apparent weight and recognition given to three local mischief makers by the United States government. As I learned of the plots, cell phone conversations and begging requests made to the United States Embassy, I could not but helped ask myself, is St Vincent and the Grenadines an independent nation? Are the three mischief makers or character assassins against the prime minister considering themselves to be firm anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist? Lastly, how can any serious lawyer engaged in such an important issue not understand that DNA tests are conducted in a very specific manner and the possibility of contamination could play a very important role in advancing key evidence? I found it imperative to raise these important questions with the view of understanding that one of the three smarties who are destined to destroy the Comrade will see it fit and necessary to respond to my article.

CARICOM foreign policy coordination

It was only three weeks ago that great fanfare and hope was displayed in Georgetown, Guyana, when a respected and able Irwin La Rocque of Dominica assumed command of the CARICOM Secretariat. It was even more satisfying to me when I read excerpts of the welcome address accorded to the secretary general by Prime Minister Douglas of the Federation of St Kitts and Nevis. In his capacity as current chair of the Community, he heightened the need for more foreign policy coordination within the region by the Secretariat and entrusted Mr La Rocque with many other tasks to be pursued by the Secretariat.

In my view, Prime Minister Douglas’s remarks were appropriate, realistic and established a tone and supportive launching pad for the new secretary general. Unfortunately, as the date approaches for the next United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and the varying lobbying efforts are in place by the United States to influence a note by CARICOM states on the Palestine resolution, there are now serious concerns about Prime Minister Douglas’s welcoming remarks about foreign policy coordination in the region. There are even stronger concerns on my part about which way St Kitts will vote on the resolution, as current media reports indicate that Grenada, St Kitts and St Lucia are likely to break ranks with the long standing CARICOM position on supporting the call for an independent Palestine state.

While the foreign policy conduct of St Lucia and Grenada will never be a surprise, I am a bit concerned about St Kitts for two reasons. My respect and observation of Dr Douglas as a deep thinker and no-nonsense leader, and Cuban trained medical doctor, Dr Assim Martin, who recently represented St Kitts in Israel on a recent fact finding mission.

I must add that I was not surprised at the comments attributed to Grenada’s Foreign Minister Karl Hood in the Jerusalem Post. His professed ignorance and lack of knowledge of the Palestine issue was not surprising and his eagerness to get media publicity in Israel further attest to this minister’s individual shallowness on foreign policy issues. Grenada has always been a strong supporter for the creation of a Palestine independent state. This is why, in 1979, Grenada gave formal diplomatic recognition to the PLO and at the same time maintained diplomatic relations with Israel, thus supporting the latter’s right to exist.

As the voting period becomes closer, the CARICOM Secretariat cannot shrug off its responsibilities for a foreign policy coordination strategy on the PLO. It was done before and it is important to allow this consistency to continue. If Grenada feels that it cannot support the resolution, it should immediately break diplomatic relations with the PLO, thus paving its way to vote no, given Bridgetown’s warning, Hood’s recent junket in Israel and foreign policy ignorance.

St Lucia’s behaviour is not surprising. Their approach to foreign policy management stalled four years ago when they booted out mainland China for a return of a renegade province known as Taiwan. In addition, in recent months when the St Lucia crime environment escalated, King’s only solution was to suggest assistance from Israel. Since nothing further was heard about this, it is not known whether Israeli agents are on St Lucia’s soil, thus making it mandatory for King and his hooligans to vote against the PLO resolution.

Therefore, there are still many unanswered questions to the current chair and secretary general of CARICOM.

1) Will the Secretariat be engaged in foreign policy coordination at the United Nations when the resolution is introduced calling for a Palestine state?

2) What is the current state of foreign policy coordination with respect to CARICOM states recognizing one China?

3) Is foreign policy coordination within the Secretariat selective, which leaves individual member states to do their own thing when it is in their interest?

The concept of foreign policy coordination is very confusing to me.

The OECS Trade Policy Unit

OECS Caribbean

During the last year, I addressed many trade related issues related to Canada and the OECS within the context of the CARIBCAN trade agreement. My concerns have always stemmed from the fact and knowledge that that were deficiencies and much more work on an effective trade strategy was necessary if trade and investment opportunities are to be realized and sustained between Canada and the OECS. My concerns were often challenged by Trade Policy Unit personnel, as they felt that my comments and opinions were not fair. Their challenge to my articles increased after their successful rum tasting event and Quebec’s Liquor Board’s consent to grant provisional trial rights for alcohol products from St Lucia.

However, the recent Trade Policy Unit junket held in Antigua last month released transparent and long known information. The release of their technical study on trade between the OECS and Canada requires no further comments except to ask the Castries-based unit the following questions:

1) With the recent closure of the OECS diplomatic mission in Ottawa, what are the alternative plans to ensure an OECS trade enhancement presence in Canada?

2) Now that the OECS Trade Policy Unit has released a technical study that shows little or no trade development capacities between Canada and the OECS, what specific strategies will be advanced by the Unit to build and strengthen trade capacities?

3) Can the Trade Policy unit shed some more light about potential ICT products that can be exported from OECS countries to Canada?

4) In light of the results from your Unit’s technical study, will your unit continue to rely on the Trade Facilitation Organization (TFO) to build trade relations between the OECS and Canada or will be you are exploring the participation and involvement of real Canadian trade stakeholders in your anticipated trade capacity building initiatives?

5) What does the future hold for the development and sustainability of an effective trade strategy between Canada and the OECS that involve diverse sectors and stakeholders?

My articles and opinions are not designed to provoke or challenge the functionality of regional institutions. However, trade and investment impact on diverse interests and may be the time has reached when the Trade Policy Unit needs to embark upon new strategies that will engage a broader spectrum of individuals and institutions.

September 14, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Tuesday, September 13, 2011

...many of the countries that have enacted laws related to the criminalisation of HIV are now reviewing their stance because of the negative implications for public health and human rights


HIV Impact


GUYANA GETS IT RIGHT: THE CRIMINALISATION OF HIV WON'T WORK




By THE UNAIDS CARIBBEAN REGIONAL SUPPORT TEAM (RST)

SHOULD there be laws targeting people who deliberately infect others with HIV? On Thursday Guyana's National Assembly answered that question in a rational and progressive way. They said "no."

The move may be counterintuitive for many in our region. Concern about having the world's second highest HIV prevalence has motivated people to call for tougher strategies in the HIV response. With an adult HIV prevalence of 3.1 per cent support for criminalisation in The Bahamas reflects a desire to reduce the spread of the virus while exacting justice for those who were intentionally infected.

In investigating that option Guyana set up a Special Select Committee of Parliament on the Criminal Responsibility of HIV Infected Individuals which considered written and oral submissions from various stakeholders for more than a year. At last week's parliamentary sitting Minister of Health, Dr Leslie Ramsammy, explained that not only was there no proof that criminalisation reduced the spread of HIV, but it could also be dangerous.

"It merely encourages individuals not to get tested and increases the stigma and discrimination against those who are positive," Dr Ramsammy said. UNAIDS supports this view. Such laws would deepen the climate of denial, secrecy and fear surrounding the virus and in so doing reduce people's willingness to learn their status and access treatment and support. Ironically, a measure meant to reduce the spread of HIV could lead to its increase.

There is a minority of persons who deliberately transmit HIV with intent to harm others and they should face appropriate criminal prosecution. For these cases there is no need to create HIV-specific legislation. The alternative is to use existing laws relating to assault and criminal negligence under the Offences against the Person Act. In determining whether an act of transmission should attract criminal penalties the complexities of human sexual behaviour must be carefully and fairly discerned. What are the reasonable and enforceable lines between criminal and non-criminal behaviour when it comes to HIV transmission?

There are several circumstances in which an HIV positive person either does not present a significant risk of transmission or does not have criminal intent. Does the individual know that he is HIV positive? Does she understand how HIV is transmitted? Did he tell his partner that he was HIV positive or believe that his partner knew his status? Did she practice safe sex and regularly take medications? Was there an understanding that intimacy involved a certain degree of risk? A criminal law specifically related to HIV would cast all persons living with the virus as potential criminals and intensify the hysteria surrounding the virus.

Many in the Caribbean have pointed to the fact that other territories, including some American states and European nations have adopted the approach. But many of the countries that have enacted laws related to the criminalisation of HIV are now reviewing their stance because of the negative implications for public health and human rights. In February Denmark's Minister of Justice announced the suspension of an HIV-specific criminal law. Last year the United States' National AIDS Strategy raised concerns about such state laws while an official committee was set up in Norway to inform revision of their equivalent Penal Code provision.

The Bahamas must within the next two years reduce its number of new infections significantly. Criminalisation won't accomplish this, but more effective prevention programmes can. There is need for improved access to sound information, services and support for all individuals including young people, men who have sex with men, sex workers and prisoners. There should be greater access to voluntary counseling and testing and age-appropriate sexuality education. Sexually active people should be able to obtain condoms and personal lubricants. In addition, interventions are needed to support HIV positive people in disclosing and practicing safer sex. We must all continue combating stigma and discrimination so that people can make healthy, responsible and safe choices about their lives, including decisions relating to sex and reproduction.

Strides in the HIV response are hard-won but possible. This year, scientists revealed that early treatment has been proven to be 96 percent effective in preventing transmission between couples. There is hope. But it lies in a combination of comprehensive legal reforms to address discrimination and vulnerability and policy directives to improve the reach and quality of prevention and treatment programmes. The criminalisation of HIV transmission won't help.

September 12, 2011

tribune242

Sunday, September 11, 2011

Lest we forget 9/11...


Remembering 911 - September 11, 2001 USA


jamaicaobserver editorial

Jamaica



TEN years ago we, like the rest of the world, watched in horror as heartless terrorists murdered almost 3,000 human beings in co-ordinated attacks on the United States that have changed the world forever.

Our pain at this heinous act was brought home even closer by the fact that Jamaicans also perished in the inferno that was the World Trade Centre twin towers in New York, after the terrorists flew two hijacked commercial jets into the buildings.

We recall that amidst the grief and severe trauma the hijackers were being hailed as heroes in some parts of the world where there exists strong anti-American feelings.

But, as we have always held in this space, the men who took so many lives in those attacks were merely cowards who used Islam as a cloak to perpetrate one of the most abominable acts ever against humanity.



While we accept that people may have good reason for disliking America -- after all, US forces have been involved in countless military conflicts on foreign soil -- we are strongly opposed to the use of violence and, worse, murder to demonstrate differences of opinion on social, cultural, religious and political issues.

In reality, what that evil action achieved on 9/11 was widespread suspicion and, in some instances, rejection of Islam which, ironically, does not promote the use of violence.

The hysteria following the 9/11 attacks was understandable, but it created a political atmosphere receptive to retaliation.  The problem though, is that terrorists are difficult to find, since they are not organised as armies which can be eliminated by conventional warfare.
While the response to 9/11 did make national security a growth sector, creating thousands of jobs, it resulted in American troops going to war in Iraq and Afghanistan.  Those wars have, however, contributed to a skyrocketing of oil prices and to a serious escalation in the US national debt and budget deficit in a time of global economic distress.

The fight against terrorists of the sort that organised and executed on September 11, 2001 therefore, must quickly and in a sustained way extend beyond military action and reconstruction to soft power and development.  Democracy cannot be instituted by force of arms, it must be willingly demanded by those motivated by the force of ideas.

At the same time, we should not submit to the climate of fear that the hijackers, their puppet master, the now late Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda terror organisation, wanted to create by their actions.

Every opportunity must be taken to emphasise the fact that murder and mayhem will not shake our belief in the ideals of democracy, freedom and tolerance of cultural diversity.

In fact, the American president, Mr Barack Obama, articulated this point very well in his weekly radio and Internet address yesterday.   "The terrorists who attacked us that September morning are no match for the character of our people, the resilience of our nation or the endurance of our values," he said.   "And no matter what comes our way, as a resilient nation, we will carry on."
To do otherwise would be to surrender to the terrorists whose sole aim is to quench their thirst for blood while salivating at the thought of people living in fear.

So today, as we reflect with the American people and the families of those Jamaicans who were victims of this slaughter, we again express our sympathy but affirm our commitment to the ideals of freedom, democracy and tolerance shared by our two nations with a long history of partnership.

September 11, 2011

jamaicaobserver editorial

The Pan-American Heath Organisation (PAHO) has made recommendations to the Bahamian government on how to best control and eliminate the dengue fever outbreak in The Bahamas


Dengue Fever Bahamas


International group gives govt advice on dengue control



By SANCHESKA BROWN

tribune242

Nassau, The Bahamas



THE Pan-American Heath Organisation has made recommendations to the government on how to best control and eliminate the dengue outbreak in The Bahamas.

PAHO representatives have been in New Providence for about two weeks working with officials from the ministries of the environment and health to map out the way forward.

Dr Gerry Eykemans, PAHO representative for The Bahamas, said we are not alone in the fight against dengue fever - there are currently ten other Caribbean countries with dengue fever outbreaks.



Dr Eykemans said there needs to be some environmental and health interventions.

"The Ministry needs to fog twice a day," he said.  "There needs to be enhanced surveillance and increased health access, meaning clinic hours need to be extended and opened over the weekends.

"We also recommend health education promotion, with messages crafted in such a way to effect change in the action of the population, and the government needs to form campaigns to eliminate breeding sites that involve schools and community organisations to reduce mosquito population and dengue cases."

In response, the government is launching its "Fight the Bite" campaign.

According to Health Minister Dr Hubert Minnis, the campaign is targeted toward schools and communities.

Dr Minnis said: "We are embarking on educational programmes in schools.  We will go into the various schools throughout The Bahamas to inform people on how they can best assist the government in this fight.  We cannot do this alone.  We need the public's support. Fogging will only help if people do what they are supposed to around their homes.  It only takes seven days for an egg to hatch into a full breeding adult.  So we are working along with the Department of Environment, Bahamas Waste and Rotary to pass out leaflets and hold seminars so the public can be best informed on how they can help."

Dr Robert Lee, health disaster advisor, also made the following recommendations: "The Bahamas needs to improve surveillance, data analysis and use of data, embark in aggressive preventative measures in the Family Islands, assess the effectiveness of the insecticides in use and strengthening the monitoring of impact of fogging activities by tracking mosquito populations.

"In the long run the government needs to ensure continuous water supply to all houses to prevent people from collecting water in their backyard.  Review dengue prevention and control programmes annually and involve the whole population preventing mosquito breeding."

Since coming to The Bahamas, PAHO has confirmed one type of dengue which is "type one."

There also has been one confirmed dengue death. The Ministry of Health is investigating two other deaths.  They do not expect those results soon.

PAHO representatives have also confirmed that reported dengue cases have been declining over the past few weeks and the number of dengue fever-like cases are predominately from eastern and southeastern communities.

Ministry of Health officials estimate the number of cases going to health care facilities will top 4,000 by the end of this week.  Last week's count stood at 3,300.

Dr Minnis is asking the public to take ten minutes once a week to walk around and get rid of or seal any containers that hold water.

Each resident is being asked to take responsibility to make sure there are no mosquitoes growing in their yards.

September 10, 2011

tribune242

Saturday, September 10, 2011

Wikileaks demonstrates the need for improved foreign policy management within the Caribbean

By Ian Francis



I am not in consort with those who have glaringly breached United States security protocol. While it is enticing and encouraging to consume the leaked gossip, I still maintain the position that the leaked communications on Jamaica, St Vincent and Grenada are private conversations, grossly exaggerated and poor analyses by those who authored the reports.

Ian Francis resides in Toronto and is a frequent contributor on Caribbean affairs. He is a former Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Grenada and can be reached at info@visminconsultancy.caA few weeks ago, this medium printed an article entitled “More Wikileaks to come”, following the revelations and publication of alleged conversations between Prime Minister Gonzales and Bridgetown based United States Embassy officials. Jamaica was also mentioned, which highlighted perceived rifts between Simpson-Miller and Dr Peter Phillips of the People’s National Party (PNP).

In recent days, Wikileaks has been able to shed some more light on the foreign policy and national security ineptness of the former Grenada administration under Dr Keith Mitchell with respect to Grenada-United States relations.

While there is very little that regional governments and their affiliated organizations can do to prevent further juicy leaks, the current release of such embarrassing information might get governments thinking more seriously about developing and sustaining effective foreign policy management practices that will guide how elected and appointed officials interact with foreign diplomatic personnel accredited to respective CARICOM governments.

To put it bluntly, personnel in our foreign affairs ministries need to equip themselves with knowledge and understanding about the operations of foreign accredited governments. If the acquisition of knowledge and understanding is acquired and applied effectively, there are strong possibilities that the current “unfettered policy access policy” that exposes our duly elected leaders to meeting with “foreign pipsqueak diplomatic representatives” will come to an immediate halt, resulting in a more streamlined policy of access.

The above access policy realignment will not bring an immediate halt to Wikileaks and political reporting by various accredited diplomatic personnel. However, the streamlining will ensure that those junior diplomatic representatives accredited to the region that bully local foreign ministry officials for access to our elected officials will decrease. As it is regularly said, these junior diplomatic officials cannot even get access to some of their senior officials in their own domain, why should they expect it in the region?

It is all the fault of the weak-kneed local foreign ministry officials and some of the inept elected officials that are engaged in the governance of various states in the region. The development and management of effective rules and procedures must be immediately brought to fruition.

I was extremely incensed about the Wikileaks report between Grenada and the United States. I felt that the juicy cables showed some ineptness on the Mitchell administration. Three observations are noted:

-- Reliance by the then administration on United States security support to quell any political uprising that could have resulted in a coup or the overthrow of the administration.

-- Poor quality of national security analysis by Ogilvie, James and De Gale who were charged with the responsibility of managing the national security process.

-- Mary Kramer, a George Bush Ambassadorial political appointee, who described the legitimate concerns of the then Grenada prime minister as “scaremongering”. It is understood, Mary Kramer has since returned to pedigree dog rearing somewhere in the United States.

-- The inability of various local national security officials to adequately brief and convince the administration on local national capacity security abilities that could delimit the United States involvement in the management of security in an independent CARICOM state.

While Wikileaks continues to be an embarrassing source to many governments and individuals within the CARICOM region, it is also an indicator or lesson to stakeholders about the need and sustainability for the management of foreign policy in the region.

Where can governments begin? Earlier in this article, suggestions were made for the need of local foreign ministry officials to embrace information and knowledge about the governance operations of various foreign countries that have established and maintain diplomatic relations with their respective government.

If such an approach was accepted and applied, local foreign ministry officials will quickly determine that ranks and titles are very important elements in the foreign relations community. Therefore, a third secretary from an accredited nation with ambition to see an elected prime minister should be told that he can only meet with a local counterpart who might be at the rank of an executive or senior executive officer.

Another area for consideration is control and monitoring of foreign accredited diplomats. Many of these accredited countries have diverse bilateral technical assistance in the receiving state that might involve various ministries and state corporations. As a result, meetings will be requested so the visiting diplomat can report back to his government on the progress of the project. When and if such meetings are held, the ministry of foreign affairs should always ensure that a foreign ministry official is present at that meeting.

Finally, another modus operandi of visiting foreign diplomats is to cultivate “corrupt and chatty” local public sector workers. The cultivation is often achieved by meals, alcohol, promise of a long term family visa and often other perks that these officials cannot refuse. To effectively control this cultivation tactic, the suggested guidelines should include that any public sector that engages in frequent contact and exchange of ideas and discussions with a foreign diplomat should be required to submit a written report through his/her immediate supervisor, who in turn will submit to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for analysis and comments.

In conclusion, CARICOM independent nations might be described as small and poor, thus giving large nations the opportunity to run roughshod. However, a truly independent nation is expected to exert its own style and management capacity without anyone being offended.

I am remaining alert for more Wikileaks, which will reconfirm my assessment and observation of the current feeble leadership in the conduct and management of foreign policy in certain CARICOM nations.

September 10, 2011

caribbeannewsnow

Friday, September 9, 2011

A 'third world' response to the dengue fever outbreak in The Bahamas


Dengue Fever Outbreak Bahamas


A 'third world' response to the dengue outbreak

By PACO NUNEZ
Tribune News Editor

Nassau, The Bahamas

In the poorest countries cursed with mosquito-bourne diseases, the only response available to authorities is often the cheapest and least effective.  It involves driving about in trucks spewing clouds of toxic gas into the atmosphere.

Luckily, Bahamians don't have to worry about being condemned by poverty to futile efforts in the face of a serious public health concern.  Rough economic times aside, this is a fairly advanced society by global standards with a high per capita income and a very respectable life expectancy.

We might not be first world, but we aren't really third world either.  The life and health of every citizen matters here.

Only you couldn't tell that from the government's response to the dengue fever "outbreak" in New Providence.  One look at the image that accompanies this article really says it all.

THE PROBLEM WITH FOGGING

The aim is to kill as many adult mosquitos as possible, but it turns out this is not very productive because the mature population isn't the real threat - the unhatched eggs are.

One adult female can lay hundreds in the span of a few weeks, so each new generation has the potential to become an much larger pestilential hoard than the last.

The general acceptance that on its own, fogging is inadequate has led to the development of a number of alternative methods.

In addition to "adulticiding", some have decided to use larvacide, which attacks the eggs directly.  One new version, known as BTI, was used to great effect last year in Key West in response to an outbreak there.

According to the Florida Keys Mosquito Control website, BTI "is an eco-friendly, non-toxic larvicide released from a helicopter, penetrating the foliage and targeting the mosquito larvae around homes.  The micron-sized larvicide droplets fall into gutters, cisterns, abandoned-swimming pools, wells, plant trivets, garbage cans, bromeliads, buckets and other problem areas."

Since the start of 2011, the website notes "the Florida Keys and Key West has not seen any new cases of dengue."

Another method is known as biocontrol: the introduction of natural mosquito predators.  In some countries, fish that eat mosquito larvae like guppies and minnows have been used in fresh water lakes and ponds; others have introduced dragonflies, which eat adult mosquitos.

There is also a new device that produces carbon dioxide and emits certain chemicals that attract mosquitos, then sucks them when they get near.

AN INTEGRATED APPROACH

At the same time, fogging has its place, but only as part of an integrated approach which, according to the World Health Organisation, should have five aspects:

* A public education campaign and the creation of appropriate legislation;

* Collaboration between health officials and other public and private sectors;

* An approach to disease control that maximizes the use of resources;

* A decision making process based on evidence to make sure interventions hit the mark;

* Capacity building to ensure that an adequate response is possible in future;

So, let's see how the local response stacks up.  The government has held town meetings, but even its own officials allegedly don't believe these are working, and there has been no talk of new laws.

Nor has there been talk of government working with private pest control companies, although reports have reached The Tribune of some communities taking matters into their own hands and calling an exterminator, so disillusioned were they with the government's efforts.

I suppose fogging counts as "disease control", but are we really maximizing the use of resources by sending up clouds of fog indiscriminately?  I say indiscriminately, because we've heard nothing about efforts to monitor the mosquito population, even though experts believe this is an essential step in launching a targeted response.

An evidence-based approach would presumably also involve understanding how bad the outbreak is and where it has hit the worst.  But that ship sailed the second health officials began telling people to treat the symptoms at home unless absolutely necessary.  We will never know how many cases of dengue there were this summer.

And as far as capacity building goes, officials would first have to admit that there was something wrong with their response this time around.

OTHER PROBLEMS

First of all, it makes no sense to keep the public in the dark when it comes to a public health crisis.  All it does in breed panic and mistrust.

Yet more than a month and a half into this outbreak, the public knows nothing about how bad it is or when things are going to get better.

Requests from the media for information on the first reported cases were turned down in favour of a press conference 24 hours later, causing who knows how many unsuspecting people to contract dengue in the interim.

Nor is it wise to stick stubbornly to a position if evidence to the contrary is easily available.

When asked by reporters if the government is handling the situation well, doctors not employed by the Ministry of Health react with anger.  A few actually burst out laughing.

One doctor said she alone has dealt with 60 cases a day, every day since the outbreak began, and is still inundated.

But we don't really need to seek the opinion of medical experts to see the truth of the matter - the evidence is right in front of us.  I have emptied all containers capable of holding water near my house, but there's a flooded construction site across the street that I can do nothing about, so the area is still teeming with mosquitos.

And while the government has tried to inform people like my neighbours about the dangers of standing water, they don't appear to be listening.

Crime is another problem for which, we are always being told, the solution ultimately lies with the public, but that doesn't mean we have no need for a police force.  Why not empower Environmental Health inspectors to visit any and all properties in high risk areas to ensure all containers have been emptied?

They could also get to work cleaning up their own mess, and draining the standing water at a hundred public sites like Eastern Parade, which one Tribune reader described as "boiling with mosquitos."

And, what good will it do to upend a few flower pots if you live near a "dengue factory" like the one The Tribune identified on East Bay Street, where the stagnant swimming pool is a gravid mosquito's dream.

The Department of Environmental Health (DEH) has asked the public to bring such cases to its attention, yet a full week after The Tribune did so, nothing had changed.

And then there's the garbage. Trash attracts mosquitos and if left for too long, collects water in which they can breed.  But it seems the sanitary workers of DEH must have been needed to drive the fogging trucks, because garbage has sat uncollected for weeks in some areas.  Again, I need only look at the pile of trash outside my gate.

Also, how do they know how much to spray or how often when the government has failed to keep tabs on the size of the mosquito population - for which there are a number of established methods.

PERCEPTION IS EVERYTHING

Of course, it is possible I'm not doing the government's dengue fighting efforts justice - they may be larvaciding, drafting laws and ordering mosquito-eating fish as I write - but if so, it's news to me.  And that really is the point: whatever the truth of the situation, the public is left with the impression that no one is taking it seriously; at least not as seriously as we would like them to.

Fogging

Even the fogging trucks, ineffectual as they are, seem to be invisible.  I told a senior official recently that if it were me, I would have those fogging trucks driving around Nassau day and night, regardless of what time mosquitos are active, equipped with a siren, flashing lights and a neon sign that reads "FOGGING TRUCK".

Trust, confidence in your response, belief in your ability to handle things is what the government should be after.

In fact, I find it astonishing that the FNM hasn't grasped what kind of damage this situation could do to them politically.

One voter told me over the weekend: "I am an FNM supporter. However, for the first time I am doubting my support.

"Over the past six weeks, the way that my government and the respective ministers involved have handled - or should I say not handled - the dengue fever outbreak/epidemic has left me speechless, frustrated and extremely scared for the safety of my family.

"They need to acknowledge and admit defeat, that their current fogging/spraying is completely ineffective and we need to bring in outside help to combat this devastating epidemic.

"I have spoken with many other FNM supporters and they too are sharing the same sentiments.  "This upcoming election will be theirs to lose if they don't wake up and see what's happening on this island."

Another FMN supporter said: "I don't feel safe at all.  I don't feel like anyone in authority really cares. Maybe they will when it hits their family.

"But now I have to question the way I look at politics in this country.  I always thought the FNM was the compassionate party, even though the PLP pretends to be.  This dengue made me realise that at the end of the day, neither is really looking out for me.  Maybe we have to try a new alternative."

If it were me in the hot seat, I'd be ordering helicopters, killer fish, and whatever else I could get my hands on.

* What do you think?

pnunez@tribunemedia.net

tribune242 Insight

Thursday, September 8, 2011

Land use and capability in the Caribbean

By Dr Joseph E. Edmunds and Anton E. Edmunds



Heightened international attention has recently been given to the subject of food security and increasingly, Caribbean voices have joined the chorus. This while hundreds of millions of dollars are spent on food importation into the region. While the World Health Organization (WHO) states that agriculture remains the largest source of employment in developing countries, by all appearances, the Caribbean must either have graduated from developing nation status or economic policy decisions have downgraded the importance of agriculture. One cannot help but observe that in many Caribbean countries, acreages of land are underutilized, many with grass, shrubs, and trees in abundance, and with no planned use at all to fulfill human needs.

Clearly, Caribbean planners have failed to recognize and give priority to what is seen by some as a fundamental tenet of development -- land capability and its effective usage. As a result, what is seen in the broader region is large land acreages of valuable national assets that appear abandoned and categorized as wastelands, even while there are increased domestic food needs. The uncoordinated approach that allows land to remain undeveloped, underdeveloped or converted into different types of development unrelated to land capabilities appears to be the norm in the region.

Further, in some cases, lands ideally suited for agricultural development – plant and animal production -- are abandoned or are converted into industrial or tourism/hotel development sectors without any thought to a functional integrated national plan. While tourism is the recognized economic driver for many in the region, and it is clear that the development of new hotels and resorts may well require access to strategically located properties. Unfortunately, efforts to integrate surrounding lands or maximize the use of fertile soils into the tourism product appear to be an afterthought.

The time is now when countries in the region need to take a critical look at their development policies and seek to incorporate viable landmass into strategic sustainable plans to meet the local and regional needs, thus contributing to the Caribbean’s ability to survive and compete in the global marketplace. A concerted effort is also needed to integrate key plant and animal production as a food resource for our tourism industry. This would contribute to the cultural experience of the visitor and temper the increasingly rapid move away from the land, a social development that needs to be carefully monitored. A taste of the Caribbean that accentuates local and regional products and flavours should be an addition to the visitors’ experience. There are already best practices, of hotels and restaurants that have had success in sourcing local agricultural and fisheries products. This should not be ignored, but rather replicated.

The issue of investing in an energy mix that includes renewable energy is another area where larger so-called waste tracts can serve as spots for solar farms, and used to cultivate bio diesel. Effective land use in this area combined with agricultural production for local and regional consumption can make good sense and can even serve to “re-green” the tourism industry if integrated into the mix and marketed correctly.

Key to the development of linkages with the above-mentioned industries is the establishment of national land use/land capability councils consisting of members from the public and private sectors as well as local, regional, and international institutions. This strategy is in keeping with the basic elements of a participatory democracy, a necessary component of good governance, and could result in the articulation and formulation of enabling policies, and the improvement of policy planning and management of sustainable plans. Of course, access to capital is vital to the facilitation of this process and therefore requires the understanding and inputs from various financial and development institutions.

While it is argued by some that countries in the region are guided by the realities of geo-politics and geo-economics and the “the urgency of now” which dictate the survival of political parties, the importance of food security is of increasing concern to domestic populations, and with rising food prices, this could become a real threat to political longevity. What appears to be the blunt survival mode of some more developed countries, which provide enormous subsidies for their local products and take aggressive actions (sometimes to the detriment of the less developed countries), in order to sustain their vested interests at home and in the global marketplace, only exacerbates the situation.

For the region, the call for a redoubling of efforts to address low productively and lack of investment in research and development should become major priorities. Innovative approaches for the region require linking the agricultural industry to other productive sectors, the implementation of modern management systems, and the injection of appropriate technologies. Best practices have to be replicated and efforts to rebuild a torn social fabric that balances effective land use with land capability is critical to the region’s future.

Dr Joseph E. Edmunds is a former Senior Research Fellow, UWI St Augustine Campus, Trinidad, Director of Research and Development, of the banana industry of the Windward Islands, and Ambassador of St Lucia to the UN, OAS, and US. Senior Associate to The Edmunds Group International and The Caribbean Research and Policy Center in Washington.


Anton E. Edmunds is the president and CEO, The Edmunds Group International (www.theedmundsgroup.com), former CEO of Caribbean Central American Action (www.c-caa.org) and Senior Project Advisor to Halcrow. Member: Latin America Council on Renewable Energy, Caribbean Association of Industry & Commerce, Caribbean Shipping Association, Caribbean Tourism Organization and Caribbean Renewable Energy Forum.

September 7, 2011

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