A look at CARICOM from outside the box

By A. Ludwig Ouenniche


It was with mixed feelings and a pinch of sadness that I learned about the stepping down of His Excellency Edwin Carrington from the helm of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) as of December 31, 2010. The only consolation I got was that he will finally have the opportunity to spend some quality time with his family and loved ones.

For the Caribbean Community, it is rather sad news, and soon the region will realize the dangerous impact of the vacuum that a transition could create. I do hope that His Excellency will have the strength to continue advising and guiding with a much better listening ear.

As observers, from outside the box, such as in our case, the Dutch OCTs, quite often we are flabbergasted by the lack of regional coherence in implementing the multiple CARICOM initiatives during the last two decades.

I would like to share with you some of these initiatives:

The CSME:
As the fundamental base in the objective of CARICOM, we have been noticing an incredible preparation work being done for the CSME. Multiple meetings, workshops, reports, protocols and agreements, most of which were approved and signed, unfortunately, we did also notice that often they were hardly officialised and implemented by the member states.

This has resulted in an obvious lack of regional interaction, collaboration and economic partnership. This form of stagnation has led to a substantial slow down in the region preparedness to compete in this era of world economic globalization.

Regardless of the obvious similarities of the region and notwithstanding the outside influence and pressure diplomatically or financially advising the region to do so, no real effort was ever been individually done by the member states to officially recognize the urgent need for a true regional economic and social integration, this is noticeable not only between the 15 CARICOM member states, but also with the rest of the region, Dutch, British, French and independent.

As an example, the two historic initiatives of His Excellency to officially visit Curacao and Sint Maarten, has not been followed by any other visit by any official from the 15 member states.

The Regional Public Private Partnership:
Recognizing the private sector as a fully-fledged partner, CARICOM has been a fervent promoter of dialogue, interaction and collaboration, not only with individual consultants but with almost all organizations representing the private sector.

From those dialogues during the last decades, several initiatives, directly or indirectly linked to the private sector, were established, such as the CARIFORUM, the CARICOM Regional Organisation for Standards and Quality (CROSQ), the Caribbean Business Council (CBC), the Caribbean Court of Justice, PANCAP, the Caribbean Development Fund and many initiatives in Agriculture including CAPA.

So many well designed tools that, unfortunately, are still not optimally functioning as they are intended to be? Such important mechanisms, that I hope Sint Maarten can make use of some of them in the near future.

The Regional SME Development:
Through the years of struggle of the SME sector, it is obvious that it is still not being considered vital for the economy. To date the regional SME development has never been a priority, individually and regionally.

As far as history can show, the SME topic was never even debated in any of the multiple heads of states meetings. The latest effort made by CARICOM to establish a private sector/SME desk within the Secretariat has yet to receive the proper recognition and support by all the member states and ensure a real functioning Caribbean Association of SMEs, regardless of its geographic location.

The International Exposure, Recognition and Partnership:
The region has never had a real and effective exposure to the rest of the world like we have been experiencing the last few years. Indeed, under the creative initiative of His Excellency, the region has lately acquired serious attention from many “donor countries”, the most noticeable are from Europe, Canada, Central and Latin America and China.

In fact, to my recollection, it is the first time that the Caribbean was well represented in the historic Shanghai Expo.

Unfortunately, the real collective effort to maximize on these initiatives is lacking and in certain cases some have opted for a personal approach in the sole benefit of their individual economies, without any regional vision and/or collaboration.

These are my thoughts about some of these issues. I hope and pray that whatever changes to be made starting January 2011 will be made in respect of the work done so far and that the decision makers will have the wisdom to continue in the same path without any political and personal interference.

CARICOM is and should always be about continuity and the democratic system as having a rotating chairmanship every six months should favour this principal. What should be considered, though, is the instauration of a mechanism of organizational discipline, as in the case of the European Union where, when decisions that are collectively taken, must be individually implemented by all member states or face consequences.

This will certainly establish a much better competitive edge to the wider Caribbean and will definitely minimize the present syndrome of what I call the “Bermuda Triangle”: Trinidad, Barbados and Jamaica.

November 11, 2010

caribbeannewsnow

Bahamas Blog International

The EU and the Caribbean - An engagement of political discourse

By Rebecca Theodore


As the Cold War languishes in the mausoleum of time, and twitching agonies of ghosts resonate in the void, reminding us of the long lived bi-polar days of the US and the Soviet Union, the European Union proves that it is a force to be reckoned with on the global international stage. Although not a nation state, the long-awaited Lisbon Treaty elevated its ranks to legally binding status and strengthened its foreign, security and defence policy even though the General Assembly recently sought to weaken its role in the UN. Hence, these developments come as guaranteed provisions, with political and diplomatic status to match the EU’s undoubted economic and commercial clout in the world at large. And now, the post-Cold War period, when the US was the only undisputed superpower, is over.

The EU is not only the biggest donor of aid to the developing world, and the leader in the Kyoto drive to reduce air pollution that causes global warming, but also leads the way in the struggle to safer food and a greener environment, better living standards in poorer regions, joint action on crime and terror, cheaper phone calls, and elimination of border controls facilitating freedom of movement thereby enhancing its reputation as a community of democratic values and liberal market economies.

Seeing that the EU’s influence in world affairs is on the increase, it becomes necessary to redefine political discourse with Caribbean states not only with France’s overseas regions of Martinique, Guadeloupe, St Martin, and French Guiana, which share cultural affinities with the Caribbean and use the euro as their common monetary unit, but the entire Caribbean at large, since the perceived distinctiveness of Caribbean states emerges from their shared historical experiences.

Critics have argued that political discourse with the EU means being bound by European Union law, as agreed in the European Parliament, and administered by the European Court of Justice and its various branches; but we cannot allow the quality of our thoughts to be polluted by ideology, as the EU and most of the Caribbean's political systems are based on pluralist democracy, fundamental rights and the rule of law.

Herein lies the predicament. If the Caribbean is to effectively tackle its socio-economic and environmental problems, the cost of energy, and communications, then the proposed solution for CARICOM and CARIFORUM to ensure a smooth integration of the region into the world economy is through partnership with the EU. On the other hand, if CARICOM’s main objective is the promotion of the assimilation of its member states through the integration of a single market economy, co-ordination and functional co-operation of foreign policies of its independent states; then the establishment of a more stable and transparent framework for the growth of businesses, and the security of investments in the Caribbean can be achieved through political co-operation in the diversification of political, economic and trade relations with the EU, as the EU supports the creation of a regional unit in the Caribbean.

The Caribbean faces a number of challenges, and political discourse with the EU will emphasize how these challenges can be transformed into opportunities. A decisive political partnership based on shared values, addressing economic and environmental vulnerabilities, promoting social cohesion, and combating poverty will see the birth of good and effective governance, respect for human rights, and improvements in gender equality in the Caribbean.

The presence of the EU in the Caribbean evokes a study in political discourse. The Caribbean can soar to heights unknown and anchor its zenith of economic freedom through political discourse with the EU. Therefore, CARICOM and CARIFORUM states should begin formulations and advising on conciliation strategies with the EU to enhance political, economic and social co-operation for a better and safer world.

November 10, 2010

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Bahamas Blog International

Was CARIFORUM wise in rushing into a 'full' EPA?

By Norman Girvan


Recent news on the stalemate in the EPA negotiations in Southern Africa raises fresh questions about the wisdom of CARIFORUM countries in rushing to sign on to a ‘full’ EPA with Europe in October 2008.

According to an article in one of the region’s leading newspapers, the EPA negotiations with SADC -- the Southern Africa Development Community -- are unlikely to meet the latest deadline for conclusion at the end of 2010.

That will make three years since the expiry of the original deadline of December 31, 2007 for conclusion of a trade agreement to rake the place of the Lome/Cotonou arrangements. We in the Caribbean had been told that this deadline was cast in stone.

One of the main sticking points in the EU-SADC negotiations is EU insistence that “new generation issues” be included in the EPA, even though this is not required under WTO rules. New generation issues include investment, government procurement, competition policy and expansion of intellectual property rights and of trade in services.

The article quotes Namibia’s Director of International Trade as saying that “if we agree to EU demands on new generation issues we would be opening up our economies to very serious problems”. Two major concerns mentioned are the restriction of the right of SADC nations to pursue their own development strategies and the undermining of their regional integration schemes.

Inclusion of these issues was one of the controversial features of the Caribbean’s EPA. Critics had argued that more time was needed to consider the implications of the EPA for development and regional integration.

SADC has apparently also forced the EU to concede ground on its demands for a ‘Most Favoured Nation (MFN) Clause’ whose effect would be to hinder South-South cooperation. The MFN clause was bitterly opposed by CARIFORUM, but the position of European negotiators was ‘take it or leave it’.

Now it seems the Caribbean might have won that battle had they made common cause with the Africans.

CARIFORUM negotiators have always argued that being the first to conclude a ‘full’ EPA with Europe would be an advantage in securing additional development assistance and enhanced access to EU service markets.

It is an open secret, however, that implementation of the EPA by most CARIFORUM countries is well behind schedule because of the onerous legislative, regulatory and administrative obligations and the limited financial means of many countries.

Nearly three years after the conclusion of negotiations, some reassessment of the Caribbean strategy may be necessary; comparing the Caribbean and African experiences.

In addition, the fall-out from the global economic crisis has devastated the financial resources of EU states, which must impact their aid budgets.

And how accessible will European service markets really be, with slow economic recovery and rising unemployment in Europe?

October 30, 2010

caribbeannewsnow

Bahamas Blog International