The Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats

U.S Secretary Of State, Antony J. Blinken Opening Remarks at a Virtual Ministerial Meeting to Launch the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drugs

Synthetic drugs are the number one killer of Americans aged 18 to 49

Countries in the Western Hemisphere are working with the Organization of American States to develop and implement early warning systems to detect emerging synthetic drug use

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much.  Colleagues, on behalf of President Biden, welcome.  Welcome to the launch of the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats.  We are grateful to the senior government officials from more than 80 countries, as well as leaders from over a dozen regional and international organizations for joining us (inaudible).

We feel this acutely in the United States.  Synthetic drugs are the number one killer of Americans aged 18 to 49.  And it’s almost worth pausing on that fact.  The number one killer of Americans aged 18 to 49 – synthetic drugs, notably fentanyl.

Nearly 110,000 Americans died last year of a drug overdose.  Two-thirds of those deaths involved synthetic opioids.  For the individuals, the families, the communities affected, the pain caused by these deaths and by the millions who suffer with substance use is immeasurable.  It’s also inflicting a massive economic toll – nearly $1.5 trillion in the United States in 2020 alone, according to a report by our Congress; our public health system, our criminal justice system all bearing the costs.

That’s why President Biden has made it a top priority for us to tackle two of the critical drivers of this epidemic in the United States: untreated addiction, and drug trafficking.  In 2022 our administration released a National Drug Control Strategy that for the first time the United States embraces harm reduction efforts that meet people where they are and engages them in care and services. 

America is far from alone in facing this challenge.  According to the United Nations, more than 34 million people around the world use methamphetamines or other synthetic stimulants annually.

And every region is experiencing an alarming rise in other synthetic drugs.  In Africa, it’s tramadol; in the Middle East, fake Captagon pills; in Asia, Ketamine.

One of the main reasons we wanted to come together today is because we believe the United States is a canary in the coal mine when it comes to fentanyl, an exceptionally addictive and deadly synthetic drug.  Having saturated the United States market, transnational criminal enterprises are turning elsewhere to expand their profits.  If we don’t act together with fierce urgency, more communities around the world will bear the catastrophic costs that are already affecting so many American cities, so many American towns.

The criminal organizations that traffic synthetic drugs are extremely adept at exploiting weak links in our interconnected global system.  When one government aggressively restricts the precursor chemical, traffickers simply buy it elsewhere.  When one country closes off a transit route, traffickers quickly shift to another.  This is the definition of a problem that no country can solve alone.  That’s why we’re creating this global coalition.

We’re focused on three key areas: first, preventing the illicit manufacture and trafficking of synthetic drugs; second, detecting emerging threats and patterns of use; and third, advancing public health interventions and services to prevent and reduce drug use, to save lives, to support recovery for people who use drugs.

Now, of course, we’re not starting from scratch.  For years, governments, regional and international organizations, health workers, and communities have been coming up with innovative solutions on each of these priorities.  Countries in the Western Hemisphere are working with the Organization of American States to develop and implement early warning systems to detect emerging synthetic drug use.

Take-home naloxone kits, pioneered by countries in Europe, have been adopted by countries in Central Asia and other regions.  The International Narcotics Control Board is promoting intelligence sharing on the trafficking of precursors to help governments cooperate on interdictions and on prosecutions.  This coalition – this coalition is intended to build on these and other important efforts, not take their place, including efforts in the United States, which are among those shared lessons learned.

I’ll give just one example.  In April, we hosted the first ever City Summit of the Americas in Denver, Colorado.  We brought together more than 250 mayors from across our hemisphere, along with governors, tribal and indigenous officials, leaders from civil society and the private sector.  One of the sessions that I attended focused on local efforts to combat the fentanyl epidemic.

The city of Denver’s crime lab shared how it tracks the emergence of new synthetic drugs and overdoses.  Mayors from Canada, from Ecuador, and Mexico spoke to their strategies to tackle the rise in synthetic drug use.  This is precisely the kind of collaboration that we’ll foster through this global coalition, while championing other voluntary best practices like improved information sharing between governments and the private sector, better labeling and “Know Your Customer” protocols to help prevent the diversion of precursors into illicit use.

Today, in addition to this ministerial meeting, we’ll convene three expert panels.  The panel discussions will help define the goals of distinct working groups – one for each of the coalition’s major lines of effort – which will carry our collaborative efforts forward over the coming months.

Then in September, we plan to host an in-person meeting of this coalition on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly High-Level Week, where the working groups will report on their progress and help us chart a way forward.

At every step, our focus will be on developing practical policies, diminishing the public health and public security threats posed by synthetic drugs, improving the lives of our people (inaudible) It’s not enough to work with governments and international organizations.  We need to partner with the private sector, including chemical manufacturers, shipping companies, social media platforms - because this illicit trade is built on the pillars of legitimate global commerce.

Most synthetic drugs are produced from chemicals that are used legally in making pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, household products.  Traffickers advertise synthetic drugs on social media, they use online apps to communicate with prospective buyers and collect payments.

We also need to partner with hospitals and clinics, emergency departments, mental health professionals, and other public health stakeholders who are saving lives every single day while providing treatment and recovery support efforts.  And we need civil society at the table, including the community-based organizations that are on the front lines of this effort.

I mentioned a few minutes ago my meeting with city officials from the Americas who are developing these innovative responses to threats from synthetic drugs.  One of them who really stayed with me was Shawna Darling.  She’s a public health official from Denver.  She and her team drive a bright purple van that I got a chance to see, a clinic on wheels among the city’s underdeveloped neighborhoods, bringing services directly to vulnerable communities.  They distribute fentanyl test strips and naloxone.  They connect individuals with treatment and recovery programs.  They share information about dangerous new synthetic drugs.

Shawna explained to me that one of the reasons she’s been able to build trust with many of these vulnerable people is because she walked in their shoes.  She herself struggled with addiction for 13 years.  She spent time in and out of jail.  And she told me, and I quote, “I’ve learned what it feels like to be defeated and desperate, but I was able to get support and care that I needed, and now I’m able to offer that to others.”

When we talk about the hundreds of thousands of lives this epidemic takes every year, and the millions of families it’s ravaging, it’s easy to lose sight of the human beings behind the numbers.  So let’s remember that while this coalition is about protecting our citizens’ security, their health, their prosperity, it’s also about saving people’s lives, saving their futures – people who could be our neighbors, our friends, our loved ones; individuals who, like Shawna, have so much to contribute to their communities.

I can’t think of a more important or urgent undertaking for us, and I can’t thank you enough for joining this session, joining this coalition, and for the work that we’ll do together.  Thanks, everyone.

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Latin America and Caribbean region need to invest $280 billion every year just to provide basic access to decarbonized and climate-resilient infrastructure services

Carbon pricing generates considerable interest among ministries of finance in Latin America and the Caribbean

What can Carbon Prices Achieve in Latin America and the Caribbean?

By Hipólito Talbot Wright - Daniela Buchuk - José Alvarado - Adrien Vogt-Schilb - Daniela Torres Pelaez - Raúl Delgado

Ministries of finance in Latin America and the Caribbean need better understand what carbon pricing can achieve in the region

Getting to net-zero emissions is essential to achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement.  A key question is how much carbon pricing can help reduce emissions, stimulate low-carbon investment, and fund emission captures.

Indeed, carbon pricing generates various expectations.  Some expect carbon pricing to incentivize technological change consistent with full decarbonization.  Others aim at using carbon pricing to raise revenues and mobilize private financing that can eventually be channeled to environmental investments in the region.  Truth be told, carbon prices used in Latin America and the Caribbean are not quite there yet.  Let’s see why.

1. Carbon pricing alone cannot be a transformational instrument

In theory, carbon prices, imposed using cap-and-trade systems or carbon taxes, can help incentivize emission reductions.  But in practice, carbon prices used around the world have not had enough impact yet: emissions reductions from existing carbon prices are limited to between 0–2% per year.

In addition, the evidence suggests that carbon prices incentivize marginal operational changes—such as using existing gas power plants instead of existing coal power plants—but do not necessarily result in investments into the technology and infrastructure required to reach net-zero emissions—such as deploying more wind and solar power.  A key reason is that carbon prices are often low, and they tend to not cover all sectors, gases, and emission sources.  Another important reason is that carbon pricing cannot work in a vacuum:  governments also need to act on regulations and infrastructure deployment to enable the transition.  For instance, by reforming energy markets to leverage wind and solar power or building bike lanes and metro lines so that people do not depend on their cars for daily commutes.

. Carbon revenues can fund some environmental action, but redirecting other sources will be essential.

Revenue-wise, carbon pricing can help funnel resources to environmental protection.  In Colombia, 80% of the carbon tax goes to a newly created environmental Fund.  In Costa Rica, the local payment for ecosystem scheme, which has been instrumental in reforesting the country and preserving its breathtaking biodiversity, is funded by a tax on diesel and gasoline.  Given that environmental protection is chronically underfunded, carbon revenues can make a very significant contribution.

But carbon pricing alone cannot fund the transition, which will require spending 7 to 19 percent of GDP every year on climate-related goals.  At the macroeconomic level, proceeds are still very small.  Due to the combination of low taxation and high fuel subsidies, the region collects the second lowest tax revenue from fossil fuels in the world: just 0.06 percent of GDP, compared to the world’s average of 0.7 percent of GDP.

The key is to understand that climate change spending is often the same as development spending and that the transition is about redirecting existing flows.  For instance, making the regulatory changes that will let private investors choose solar and wind, rather than gas or coal, to power household consumption and economic growth.

Voluntary carbon credit (or offset) markets are another possible funding source.  But designing credible credit markets is not an easy task; it requires precise monitoring, reporting, and verification systems.  A recent investigation found that many forest-preservation projects overestimate how much emission reduction they generate.

Moreover, the size of the voluntary carbon credit markets is still insufficient.  In 2021, voluntary markets generated almost US$2 billion globally, whereas the region needs to invest $280 billion every year just to provide basic access to decarbonized and climate-resilient infrastructure services.

In addition, ministries of finance will need to consider that cooperation mechanisms under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement require corresponding adjustments between the transferring and the receiving party.  Countries that sell credits abroad need to add those emissions to their inventories, making it more difficult to fulfill their own NDC.

. Energy subsidy reforms and carbon taxes are unpopular, in no small amount, because of their distributive impacts.

Even if carbon pricing can be a viable climate policy, the phasing out of fossil fuels subsidies may be the priority.  The region spends about 1.1% of GDP subsidizing emissions.  One issue, however, is that removing energy subsidies hurts consumers, especially by increasing the price of public transport, the cost of operating a car, and even the cost of food, which has to be transported from the farms to the cities.

Theoretically, governments can redistribute carbon revenues back to consumers in the form of equal per capita transfers, ensuring that poor people would benefit.  But in practice, doing so is difficult: a recent study shows that in the region, existing cash transfer programs do not reach all poor households.

Moreover, cash transfers would not necessarily compensate the most affected households:  those who own a car or use natural gas for cooking.  Governments would need to broaden coverage of existing cash transfer programs or consider using instruments such as in-kind transfers to compensate households and make reforms more politically acceptable.

Is Carbon Pricing Seducing the Ministries of Economy and Finance?

Carbon pricing generates considerable interest among ministries of finance in Latin America and the Caribbean.  Back in August 2022, they created the Regional Climate Change Platform of the Ministries of Economy and Finance to exchange knowledge in formulating fiscal policies to face the challenges posed by climate change.

One of the 3 priorities for the work plan 2022-2023 is for ministries of finance to better understand what carbon pricing can achieve in the region.  With this in mind, a working group on fiscal incentives for climate change was established under the leadership of the Ministry of Finance of Chile.

The group seeks to improve understanding of the constraints and barriers impeding progress in incorporating carbon pricing into the climate policy of Latin American and Caribbean governments.  For this working group, the ministries agreed on a work plan that includes the following activities:

. Capacity building. Conduct regional workshops on carbon pricing, including carbon taxes, emissions trading programs, and Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.  The first workshop was carried out in collaboration with the UNFCCC.

. Survey of expectations of finance ministries in the region regarding carbon pricing mechanisms and existing experiences such as challenges, progress in their implementation and impact results.

. Review of the empirical evidence on the results that carbon pricing mechanisms have had internationally vis a vis the expectations that ministries of finance have on them.

Some countries, such as Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Uruguay, and Mexico, have already developed carbon taxes.  But carbon pricing can take other forms, such as tariffs and those arising from implementing Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.  Knowledge of how these instruments work and their possible outcomes is still incipient in the region, with a wide array of expectations about them and how they can contribute to climate action or fiscal results.

Despite the challenges associated with carbon prices, they can still be helpful if well-designed, backed by strong institutional capacities, and used with realistic objectives within a mix of environmental policies.  The Regional Climate Change Platform of Ministries of Economy and Finance is working to provide a practical and realistic view of what carbon price mechanisms can deliver.  When the goal is to enable a transition to a net-zero economy, fixing all these issues can be as or more important than implementing a carbon price.

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Caricom has Failed in having the Cuban Embargo Lifted

The ultimate goal of the embargo against Cuba was to cripple the Cuban economy and force President Fidel Castro’s hand in changing his style of governing, all efforts have failed in this respect

"THE CUBAN EMBARGO SHOULD BE STOPPED!"

By: Dr. Kevin Turnquest-Alcena

After 50 years as an organization, the Caricom has been ineffective at having the Cuban embargo lifted. It’s a travesty that America is still trying to weaponize Cuba in this modern day and time.

To my inquiring readers, what is an embargo one may ask? Well, according to Wikipedia it is, “the partial or complete prohibition of commerce and trade with a particular country or state or group of countries.”

Four countries the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) have implemented U.S. sanctions against are: Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Syria. The continuous and age old assault on Cuba is tantamount to immoral conduct.

They are willing to work with countries such as: Vietnam, whom they were at war with and China because of some benefit to them, then why not Cuba? We have to collectively find a way for America to understand that Cuba needs to be a part of and coexist with the global community. It is time America realizes Cuba’s political system, as well as the structure of how Cuba achieves its revolution is not going to disappear.

Robert Zubrin stated that, “The U.S. trade embargo on Cuba is almost completely ineffective, as many other countries, including the European Union, do not honor it.” The Biden Administration must consider the realities of the Cuban people. Yes, the there are some deep geo-politics in regards to individuals who do not like what is going on in Cuba, but it does not negate the fact that this issue needs to be readdressed.

Former President Barak Obama understood the need for open dialogue about the embargo as was stated in his address to the Cuban people during his visit to Havana. He said that, “...on December 17th 2014, President Castro and I announced that the United States and Cuba would begin a process to normalize relations between our countries. Since then, we have established diplomatic relations and opened embassies. We've begun initiatives to cooperate on health and agriculture, education and law enforcement. We've reached agreements to restore direct flights and mail service. We've expanded commercial ties, and increased the capacity of Americans to travel and do business in Cuba.”

In February 1962, President John F. Kennedy proclaimed an embargo on trade between the United States and Cuba, in response to certain actions taken by the Cuban Government, and directed the Departments of Commerce and the Treasury to implement the embargo. The Cuban embargo solely exists because they stand in solidarity, choosing to operate their political system the way they want.

This continued condemnation by America is unjust and inhumane, especially for a country that promotes freedom of speech. This embargo has majorly impacted the Cuban economy and has resulted in a $144 billion loss in the trading economy. While the ultimate goal of the embargo was to cripple the economy and force President Fidel Castro’s hand in changing his style of governing, all efforts have failed in this respect.

The embargo limits the people of Cuba from accessing the internet to support their small businesses, take online U.S. courses, and use financial services like PayPal, yet Cuba has continued to exist and survive without the support of the American government.

America claims that the embargo is for the betterment of the Cuban people, yet it does more harm to the people than good. Its licensing requirements prevent food, medicine, medical equipment and humanitarian aid assistance from reaching Cubans.

Nonetheless, these restrictions have only encouraged the Cuban people to be innovative in their approach to taking care of the citizens of their country. Cuba managed to develop its own COVID-19 vaccine. Their development included the research, production, and rollout of the vaccine, which resulted in a 90% vaccination rate.

Cuba has educated Africa and The Caribbean in medicine and engineering, just to name a few. They now have over 2,000 institutes as result of the 1959 revolution. Cuba has developed one of the best healthcare systems in the world. This was achieved by instituting 23 medical schools and educating those students for free. This has resulted in one of the highest doctor to patient ratios in the world, 8 for every 1,000 citizen. Gender equality is also held in high regard with women having just has much opportunities for education as men.

Cuba ranks second in the world in terms of most female representation in the country’s main governing body with a Congress that is 53 percent female. Education is the under lying cause of such achievements with Cuba having a 96% literacy rate.

So, the real question is, has the embargo really attained its goal of suppressing the Cuban country? Has it really achieved its aim of stopping trade with other countries? The resounding answer is No!

Daniel 2:21 says, “And he changeth the times and the seasons: he removeth kings, and setteth up kings: he giveth wisdom unto the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding:” Hence, this then begs the question as to what is America’s present goal for reinforcing the embargo.

What purpose does it really serve for continuing their separation from Cuba? Would it not be more beneficial and useful if they worked with Cuba, rather than against them?

The reality is after 64 years of oppressing Cuba through the embargo, it has still not altered their political systems and way of life. As Allison Pujol writer for The Michigan Daily said, “Cuba’s heads of states recognized fairly quickly that the United States was not essential to the island’s economic future.

And thus, like the embargo, Cuba’s one-party system has remained intact with little to no visible change.” I end with the words of the man at the center of it all: “Capitalism has no moral and ethical values: everything is for sale... it is impossible to educate people in such an environment: people become selfish, and sometimes turn into bandits” (Fidel Castro).

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The Crux of The Bahamas National Trade Policy

The Bahamas Ministry of Economic Affairs Launches First-Ever National Trade Policy

The New Bahamas Trade Policy is intended to lower trade deficit and empower local Bahamian businesses

After years of stakeholder consultation and collaboration with local and international experts, the Government of The Bahamas has launched the National Trade Policy, an initiative that has been spearheaded by the Ministry of Economic Affairs.

The National Trade Policy was formally unveiled at a press conference hosted by the Ministry of Economic Affairs on Thursday, 25th of May, 2023.  At this press conference, members of the media were afforded the opportunity to hear from the Minister of Economic Affairs, Senator, the Hon. Michael Halkitis, Bahamas Trade Commission Chairman, Philip Galanis, and other technical experts who highlighted the work that went into crafting the policy, as well as the impact it is projected to have.

Minister Halkitis stated that the primary objective of the national trade policy is to tap into the unexplored areas for the international trade of goods and services where there is vast potential for Bahamian businesses to benefit.

He noted that this policy will supplement the economic development and diversification initiatives that the Davis administration has taken on since taking office.

“The National Trade Policy is a key component of a wider developmental strategy to diversify the economy, empower Bahamian businesses domestically and internationally, and lower the trade deficit.  Key areas that are being targeted by the government, such as niche agricultural and fisheries products, uniquely Bahamian crafts, food, and goods, and green, blue, and orange economy products and services will all benefit from this policy.”

Acknowledging the calls by local businesses for greater ease in conducting international business and exporting goods and services abroad, Minister Halkitis said that the National Trade Policy will help to facilitate the import and export of in-demand goods and services, ushering in a new era for trade in The Bahamas.

“We know that many businesses have called for the government to reform existing processes to make exporting their products more seamless.  Through this policy, we believe that we have put the right mechanisms in place.  We will expand awareness through stakeholder education to arm local businesses with everything they need to expand their customer base beyond the borders of The Bahamas.”

As the policy moves from the development phase to the implementation phase, Minister Halkitis noted that the government will continue to keep its ears open to local businesses and its eyes open for international opportunities.

“The policy we have before us today is the product of continuous stakeholder engagement.  We have incorporated much of that engagement to ensure that the policy before us today is as strong and comprehensive as possible.  As we implement the policy, the key is to remain agile and open to ways we can continue to strengthen the policy in response to local needs.”

Minister Halkitis encouraged all local businesses and aspiring entrepreneurs who are interested in engaging in international trade to stay tuned as the government continues to engage with the local business community to empower businesses of all sizes to take advantage of the new national trade policy framework.

“Ultimately, the true measure of the effectiveness of this policy lies in its ability to empower Bahamian businesses, lower the trade deficit, and contribute to the creation of a more resilient and diverse economy. We encourage all businesses to get informed and get involved.”

Any business owners who wish to learn more about the National Trade Policy can download a full copy of the policy document at https://moea.gov.bs/the-bahamas-national-trade-policy.

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Closing the gaps that affect LGBTQ+ individuals in Latin America and the Caribbean

Barriers and social exclusion affecting LGBTQ+ individuals in Latin America and the Caribbean

 

An institution that promotes inclusion must ensure that there is a commitment to preventing and eliminating any manifestation of discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals at the core of its organizational culture

Three Actions to Support LGBTQ+ Inclusion from an International Organization

By María Caridad Araujo

How recent is the addition of LGBTQ+ issues in inclusion policy agendas?

Let’s put it into perspective.  No longer than 50 years ago, the American Psychiatric Association classified homosexuality as a mental disorder.  Some countries in Latin America and the Caribbean decriminalized same-sex relationships in the 19th century, while others did so less than 20 years ago.  Homosexuality is still a crime in six countries in the region.  Thirteen years ago, Argentina became the first country in the region to legalize same-sex marriage.  Five countries followed, with Costa Rica being the most recent in 2020.  In 2004, the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia (IDAHOTB) was established as a commemoration every May 17th.

Therefore, it’s no surprise this is a relatively new topic on the agendas of international organizations such as development banks.  The inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals, therefore, requires intentional efforts to invest in the issue and generate data and evidence on effective interventions.  We are in a constant process of construction.  At the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), we have taken firm steps in this direction.  Here, I want to share three lines of action and learning that have emerged as part of this journey.

1.LGBTQ+ inclusion starts from within

An institution that promotes inclusion must ensure that there is a commitment to preventing and eliminating any manifestation of discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals at the core of its organizational culture.  This begins with our selection and recruitment processes.  It also involves creating diverse and inclusive work environments.  Finally, it translates into actions to ensure that the projects and knowledge products we support in the region include actions that contribute to closing the gaps that affect LGBTQ+ individuals.  In this sense, the IDB has strong inclusion policies and constantly works to be a space where its employees can bring their most authentic selves.

2. Intersectionality and intersectionality

The actions we take must consider that LGBTQ+ discrimination is reflected in multiple spheres and in an intersectional way.  This means that aspects such as sexual orientation, gender identity, race or ethnicity, and economic or migratory status overlap and intersect in various ways.  For this reason, more work is required to understand the origin and impact of stigma and social exclusion.

Workplace inclusion programs like “Saber hacer vale” (Knowing How is Valuable) in Colombia, which includes LGBTQ+ individuals and focuses particularly on migrants, are an example of an intersectional approach.  Another case is the loan to the ProMujeres program in Uruguay, which seeks to strengthen gender-based violence prevention and response systems with a strong focus on lesbian, bisexual, and transgender women.  I also would like to highlight “Reprograma,” a digital skills education initiative in Brazil supported by BID Lab, which promotes the inclusion of transgender women in the technology sector.

Fighting LGBTQ+ discrimination is also important in the private sector.  That’s why BID Invest is preparing a toolbox for companies that want to strengthen their inclusion policies.  BID Invest also raises awareness about business opportunities and new markets when integrating the LGBTQ+ population as a workforce and potential customers.

3. Data for inclusion

The third point is to enhance the creation of knowledge about the LGBTQ+ population.  In Latin America and the Caribbean, data is scarce.  We know that we are underestimating the size of the LGBTQ+ population, but we don’t have the exact number of individuals belonging to it.  We have even less evidence of the gaps that affect them.

The flagship book published annually by the IDB, “Development in the Americas”. will focus on gender policies in 2023.  An innovative approach in this publication will be the inclusion of knowledge about LGBTQ+ individuals, providing a broader and deeper understanding of the gaps related to sexual orientation and gender identity.

Additionally, last year, the IDB funded and published three new studies on the LGBTQ+ population.  These publications were presented in a session on LGBTQ+ inclusion at the 27th Annual Meeting of the Latin American and Caribbean Economics Association (LACEA).  In a live event on May 18th, the authors of the publications will share their findings on barriers and social exclusion affecting LGBTQ+ individuals in our region.

Inclusion is a journey to be traveled together

The International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia is an occasion to highlight the heterogeneous progress in the inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals and to think of new strategies that lead to the end of stigma and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.  On a day like today, it is important to make visible the multiple forms of exclusion that persist and, in some cases, have deepened.  Therefore, the commitment of international organizations to strengthen an agenda that prioritizes accelerating the social and economic inclusion of LGBTQ+ individuals is urgent.

Once again, multilateral development banks have joined efforts to organize a series of activities, events, and publications that are part of the IDAHOTB 2023 campaign, aiming to reaffirm their commitment to work against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identities.  This year’s theme, “Always Together: United in Diversity,” encapsulates this collective effort.  For multilateral banks and other international organizations, the well-being of LGBTQ+ individuals is not just a one-day topic but an essential line of work in the development agenda.

In this link, you can find information about other events commemorating this date, as well as messages from executives of other organizations joining under this initiative.

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Stop deporting Haitians to Haiti - says UN

The UN independent human rights experts requested States parties in the Americas to investigate all allegations of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, and racial profiling against Haitians

The experts also called for measures to prevent and combat xenophobic and racist violence and incitement to racial hatred against people of Haitian origin, and to publicly condemn racist hate speech, including those uttered by public figures and politicians

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) sounded the alarm after 36,000 people of Haitian origin were deported during the first three months of the year, according to figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM).  Some 90 per cent were deported from the Dominican Republic.

Violations and abuses against Haitians

The experts expressed concern over collective expulsions which did not take into consideration individual circumstances and needs.

They also highlighted alleged human rights violations and abuses against Haitians on the move along migration routes, at borders and in detention centres in the Americas region, “as a result of strict migration control, the militarization of borders, systematic immigration detention policies and the obstacles to international protection” in some countries.

Such obstacles exposed these vulnerable migrants to “killings, disappearances, acts of sexual and gender-based violence, and trafficking by criminal networks”, the Committee warned.

Demanding protection for Haitian refugees

Caribbean countries, such as the Bahamas as well as the Turks and Caicos Islands, have announced measures against undocumented Haitian migrants.  The United States in January also made public new border policies to permit fast-tracked expulsions to Mexico of Haitian migrants and others, crossing the southern border of the US without documentation.

Considering the desperate situation in Haiti, which does not currently allow for the safe and dignified return of Haitians to the country, as pointed out by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Committee called for an end to the collective expulsions of Haitians on the move.

It also said assessments of each individual case needed to be carried out, to identify protection needs in accordance with international refugee and human rights law, with particular attention to the most vulnerable groups.

Combatting racism and xenophobia

The independent human rights experts requested States parties in the Americas to investigate all allegations of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, and racial profiling against Haitians.

They also demanded protection of refugees against other allegations of human rights violations and abuses committed by both State and non-state actors; including at borders, migrant detention centres and along migration routes, to punish those responsible and to provide rehabilitation and reparations to victims or their families.

The experts also called for measures to prevent and combat xenophobic and racist violence and incitement to racial hatred against people of Haitian origin, and to publicly condemn racist hate speech, including those uttered by public figures and politicians.

Independent human rights experts are appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, in Geneva.  They are mandated to monitor and report on specific thematic issues or country situations.  They are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work.

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Does the accusation of the 2016 payment to adult film actress Stormy Daniels by Donald Trump seek to shut down the former US president or catapult him directly to elections 2024?

Donald Trump, farther or closer to the White House?

By Raúl Antonio Capote

 

The New York court grand jury investigating the case of the 2016 payment to adult film actress Stormy Daniels by Donald Trump recently voted to indict him on criminal charges.

The indictment makes the former president the first former president to face criminal charges in U.S. history.

Michael D. Cohen, Trump's lawyer and troubleshooter who pleaded guilty to federal campaign finance violations in August 2018, admitted that he helped arrange the payment to Daniels, in addition to another payment to a former Playboy model, to help Trump's presidential bid, on Trump's orders.

The payment made to Daniels sought the actress' silence ahead of the 2016 presidential election.

Faced with the Court's accusation, Trump's response was immediate: "Political Persecution and Election Interference at the highest level in history," he said in a statement, according to La Opinión.

Adored by extreme right-wing groups and followers of the most irrational conspiracy theories, Trump began his run for the Republican Party's candidacy for the presidency with low scores in the polls.

Some analysts even predicted his defeat against other opponents; however, in the face of the possible indictment by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, the tycoon has climbed in the polls.  According to the Fox News poll, Donald Trump has doubled his lead over Ron DeSantis by 30 percentage points.

In view of the situation created, questions arise in many people.  Does the accusation seek to shut down the former president or catapult him directly to the elections?  Is it a matter of enforcing justice in the United States, for the first time, in the case of a former president?

It happens that when we take a look at the process we find several interesting elements.  It is true that when Trump was campaigning for the presidency, his team negotiated a confidentiality agreement with Daniels, in exchange for $130,000.  However, the payment to the actress was made by Michael Cohen, and he has testified that he obtained the money from his home equity line of credit and that the amount was later reimbursed to him, which can be well exploited by his lawyers.

Another element that may work in favor of the defendant is the lack of precedent.

For more than two centuries, presidents - even those who have been affected by scandals - while in office have had immunity from prosecution, even enjoying that privilege when they leave office.

In U.S. elections, marked by setbacks and low blows to opponents, many things can happen.  In addition, the 45th president of the United States is under indictment for possible crimes of insurrection, withholding classified documents and obstruction of justice in a national security case.

In the face of all that, being indicted for paying for the silence of a porn star doesn't seem so bad.

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